大學(xué)英語(yǔ)四級(jí)段落信息匹配題技巧(共39頁(yè))

1、英語(yǔ)四、六級(jí)段落信息匹配題一、英語(yǔ)四級(jí)段落信息匹配題是什么？長(zhǎng)篇閱讀理解篇章后附有10個(gè)句子，每句一題。每句所含的信息出自篇章的某一段落，要求考生找出與每句所含信息相匹配的段落。有的段落可能對(duì)應(yīng)兩題，有的段落可能不對(duì)應(yīng)任何一題。四級(jí)考試需要各位同學(xué)做的是，大家需要去看十個(gè)左右的段落，然后去匹配十個(gè)信息點(diǎn)。但是到六級(jí)當(dāng)中，我們的難度就要增加了，我們見到的情況是六級(jí)當(dāng)中變成了15個(gè)段落，去匹配十個(gè)信息點(diǎn)。但總體來看，不管題型怎么變，其實(shí)學(xué)習(xí)方法沒變，還是仍舊需要大家提高閱讀的能力，比如說讀文章的時(shí)候，是不是直接拿英語(yǔ)讀，如果讀快速閱讀的時(shí)候，還是拿中文邊翻譯邊讀的話，會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)閱讀速度一直會(huì)比較慢，所

2、以那么長(zhǎng)的文章很難找到細(xì)節(jié)，所以大家一定要養(yǎng)成拿英語(yǔ)直接閱讀的這樣一種習(xí)慣，這樣才能保證我們的閱讀速度又快又準(zhǔn)。二、信息匹配題難點(diǎn)分析1.  考生難以按照閱讀題一貫遵循的“順序原則”解題。由于這一題型要求考生把細(xì)節(jié)信息與其所在的段落進(jìn)行匹配，因此細(xì)節(jié)信息的排列絕對(duì)是“亂序的”，這就意味著考生從文章開頭到結(jié)尾按順序定位的方法是行不通的。2. 題干信息復(fù)雜，考生難以迅速抓住要領(lǐng)。題干中的細(xì)節(jié)信息通常是極復(fù)雜和繁瑣的名詞短語(yǔ)或長(zhǎng)難句，考生往往在尋找到合適的定位詞之前，就已經(jīng)被題干信息的復(fù)雜表述弄得暈頭轉(zhuǎn)向了。3. 考生難以尋找到合適的定位詞。即使考生能夠讀懂題干中晦澀難懂的細(xì)節(jié)信

3、息，但也會(huì)在尋找定位詞時(shí)遇到很大障礙。因?yàn)轭}干提供的細(xì)節(jié)信息中往往不會(huì)出現(xiàn)非常明顯的定位詞(如數(shù)字、時(shí)間、地點(diǎn)、人物、特殊字體和特殊符號(hào)等)。即使考生能夠找到一個(gè)定位詞，這一定位詞也通常和文章主題密切相關(guān)，會(huì)在文章中多次出現(xiàn)，因而也沒有太大的意義。三、匹配題出題特點(diǎn)及應(yīng)試技巧匹配類題型有很多種，常見的種類有：1）人名-觀點(diǎn)匹配；2）.地名-描述匹配；3）句子-句子匹配；4）分類題(Classification)；5）段落-標(biāo)題匹配；6段落-細(xì)節(jié)匹配。其中前四種做題方法比較類似，而后兩種相對(duì)較復(fù)雜。這里將闡述前四種題型的做題方法。1. 扭轉(zhuǎn)做題思維先要扭轉(zhuǎn)做題思維，不是找到句子答案所在，而是判斷

4、這句話在哪一段會(huì)出現(xiàn)。所以我們首要明確，考官出這個(gè)題是要考察我們什么閱讀能力，我認(rèn)為不是細(xì)節(jié)閱讀能力，而是對(duì)文章框架思路的把握能力。2預(yù)覽題干，明確關(guān)鍵詞該題型的解題基本思路是：先快速地將題干讀一下，劃出關(guān)鍵詞;然后采用skimming和scanning的方式通讀原文，匹配信息。 3快速掌握文章脈絡(luò)通過閱讀中心句快速掌握文章脈絡(luò)。中心句一般出現(xiàn)在首位句，轉(zhuǎn)折詞如but 或者因果關(guān)系聯(lián)接詞如 as a result 引領(lǐng)的第二句，或者問句后面的答句。一般建議在找到中心句后，讀一下末句，可以更精確地掌控段意。若無特別明顯的中心句，首尾句的閱讀也有助于理解段意。閱讀過程當(dāng)中，有的信息點(diǎn)明確可直接先去

5、選出答案。這里我們也要明確要多看英文，掌握英文的行文思路。一般而言劍橋里的文章組織有三大類。一是按時(shí)間，如貨物運(yùn)輸，這是最簡(jiǎn)單的。 二是按觀點(diǎn)原因發(fā)展瓶頸措施目標(biāo)的布局來分析一件事物。三是 偏科普的 夾雜很多不同派別的理論，這個(gè)相對(duì)而言比較難。4. 注意字句的形式變化。在長(zhǎng)篇閱讀中尋找相關(guān)信息的難度很大程度上取決于考生對(duì)字句形式變化的辨識(shí)能力。需要注意三種變化形式：1）題干只對(duì)原文中個(gè)別單詞或詞組進(jìn)行同義改寫或轉(zhuǎn)述；2）題干對(duì)原文中整句話進(jìn)行同義改寫或轉(zhuǎn)述；3）題干對(duì)原文中幾句話或整段內(nèi)容進(jìn)行綜合概括或推斷。這就對(duì)考生的單詞量、對(duì)某一單詞多重釋義的了解以及對(duì)句意的概括或推斷能力提出了新要求。

6、5. 注意標(biāo)記。在首次閱讀的過程中如果不能確定某些單句是否與該段落相匹配，最好做個(gè)記號(hào)，以便第二次閱讀時(shí)更有針對(duì)性。第二次閱讀的目的：一是檢查已初步確定的段落與單句是否確實(shí)匹配；二是完成第一遍閱讀中尚未解答的題目。 6. 注意時(shí)間的合理使用，不要為確定某個(gè)細(xì)節(jié)問題而浪費(fèi)大量的時(shí)間?！娟P(guān)鍵詞的類型】1. 人名、地名和專有名詞2. 一些拼寫較長(zhǎng)的詞，比如：internship，competitiveness，globalization，integration，sustainability，innovative，immigration等。這些詞屬于低頻詞，一般不會(huì)大篇幅地出現(xiàn)。利用這些詞可以高效地查

7、找匹配段落。另外，這些詞有時(shí)會(huì)作為生詞在文中標(biāo)注出來，像internship，在原文中用斜體印刷，并以括號(hào)備注中文。我們選它做關(guān)鍵詞，瞬間就能找到原文出處了。2. 數(shù)字，包括年代、百分比、特殊事件等。如四級(jí)樣卷中的：mid-1970s, 3.9 percent，20 percent，September 11等。教研君利用這些數(shù)字進(jìn)行定位，測(cè)得的準(zhǔn)確率是100%哦!3. 以連字符連接的特殊詞匯。如：university-based，one-child。這些詞是由兩個(gè)(或三個(gè))單詞連接的新詞，一般當(dāng)成形容詞使用。三個(gè)單詞的例子如：hard-to-grasp難以理解的。這些詞也屬于低頻詞，一般不會(huì)大

8、篇幅出現(xiàn)。需要注意的是有時(shí)候我們需要將這些詞拆開來定位，如one-child在原文中是沒有的，原文是這樣的“They often compromise by having just one child. ”這里的one child就不是整體作為形容詞使用了。4. 研究、報(bào)告、書籍型詞匯，如：report，study，books等。一般來說研究、報(bào)告等內(nèi)容都是易考點(diǎn)，這些信息經(jīng)常出現(xiàn)在特定的段落里，所以根據(jù)這些詞匯作為關(guān)鍵詞也很容易定位。5. 最高級(jí)，如best，worst，most等。如六級(jí)第54題，關(guān)鍵詞之一為the best solution。然而僅憑此關(guān)鍵詞我們可能無法迅速地找到答案，因

9、為原文的表述是the most effective method，用的詞匯是完全不一樣的。這時(shí)，我們還需要增加一個(gè)關(guān)鍵詞pension，幫助我們定位。這就提醒我們?cè)谄匠５拈喿x中應(yīng)多關(guān)注最高級(jí)出現(xiàn)的地方，因?yàn)樗３Ｊ强键c(diǎn)。6. 具有特殊意義的指示性詞匯。這類詞匯雖然不是通常意義上的定位關(guān)鍵詞，但其特殊含義可將考生的注意力指向原文的開頭、結(jié)尾或是某個(gè)具有特殊特征的段落。這些詞通常包括如下三類：能夠指示開頭段的詞匯(如overview、introduction、initiation、main idea、definition等)；能夠指示結(jié)尾段的詞(如overview、future、 solution

10、、conclusion、suggestion、summary等)；能夠幫助考生回原文定位的特殊詞匯(如rate、ratio、proportion、percentage等詞往往對(duì)應(yīng)含“%”的段落；number、figure、statistical demographics等詞往往對(duì)應(yīng)數(shù)字集中的段落；financial、income、revenue、salary等詞往往對(duì)應(yīng)含諸如“$”“￥”等貨幣符號(hào)的段落)。考生能夠通過這些指示性詞匯縮小回原文定位的范圍，從而快速判定表1四級(jí)樣卷長(zhǎng)篇閱讀表2六級(jí)樣卷長(zhǎng)篇閱讀 Passage One Universities Branch OutA) As nev

11、er before in their long history, universities have become instruments of national competition as well as instruments of peace. They are the place of the scientific discoveries that move economies forward, and the primary means of educating the talent required to obtain and maintain competitive advan

12、tage. But at the same time, the opening of national borders to the flow of goods, services, information and especially people has made universities a powerful force for global integration, mutual understanding and geopolitical stability. B) In response to the same forces that have driven the world e

13、conomy, universities have become more self-consciously global: seeking students from around the world who represent the entire range of cultures and values, sending their own students abroad to prepare them for global careers, offering courses of study that address the challenges of an interconnecte

14、d world and collaborative (合作的) research programs to advance science for the benefit of all humanity. C) Of the forces shaping higher education none is more sweeping than the movement across borders. Over the past three decades the number of students leaving home each year to study abroad has grown

15、at an annual rate of 3.9 percent, from 800,000 in 1975 to 2.5 million in 2004. Most travel from one developed nation to another, but the flow from developing to developed countries is growing rapidly. The reverse flow, from developed to developing countries, is on the rise, too. Today foreign studen

16、ts earn 30 percent of the doctoral degrees awarded in the United States and 38 percent of those in the United Kingdom. And the number crossing borders for undergraduate study is growing as well, to 8 percent of the undergraduates at Americas best institutions and 10 percent of all undergraduates in

17、the U.K. In the United States, 20 percent of the newly hired professors in science and engineering are foreign-born, and in China many newly hired faculty members at the top research universities received their graduate education abroad D) Universities are also encouraging students to spend some of

18、their undergraduate years in another country. In Europe, more than 140,000 students participate in the Erasmus program each year, taking courses for credit in one of 2,200 participating institutions across the continent. And in the United States, institutions are helping place students in summer int

19、ernships (實(shí)習(xí)) abroad to prepare them for global careers. Yale and Harvard have led the way, offering every undergraduate at least one international study or internship opportunityand providing the financial resources to make it possible. E) Globalization is also reshaping the way research is done. O

20、ne new trend involves sourcing portions of a research program to another country. Yale professor and Howard Hughes Medical Institute investigator Tian Xu directs a research center focused on the genetics of human disease at Shanghais Fudan University, in collaboration with faculty colleagues from bo

21、th schools. The Shanghai center has 95 employees and graduate students working in a 4,300-square-meter laboratory facility. Yale faculty, postdoctors and graduate students visit regularly and attend videoconference seminars with scientists from both campuses. The arrangement benefits both countries;

22、 Xus Yale lab is more productive, thanks to the lower costs of conducting research in China, and Chinese graduate students, postdoctors and faculty get on-the-job training from a world-class scientist and his U.S. team. F) As a result of its strength in science, the United States has consistently le

23、d the world in the commercialization of major new technologies, from the mainframe computer and the integrated circuit of the 1960s to the Internet infrastructure (基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施) and applications software of the 1990s. The link between university-based science and industrial application is often indirect but

24、 sometimes highly visible: Silicon Valley was intentionally created by Stanford University, and Route 128 outside Boston has long housed companies spun off from MIT and Harvard. Around the world, governments have encouraged copying of this model, perhaps most successfully in Cambridge, England, wher

25、e Microsoft and scores of other leading software and biotechnology companies have set up shop around the university. G) For all its success, the United States remains deeply hesitant about sustaining the research-university model. Most politicians recognize the link between investment in science and

26、 national economic strength, but support for research funding has been unsteady. The budget of the National Institutes of Health doubled between 1998 and 2003, but has risen more slowly than inflation since then. Support for the physical sciences and engineering barely kept pace with inflation durin

27、g that same period. The attempt to make up lost ground is welcome, but the nation would be better served by steady, predictable increases in science funding at the rate of long-term GDP growth, which is on the order of inflation plus 3 percent per year. H) American politicians have great difficulty

28、recognizing that admitting more foreign students can greatly promote the national interest by increasing international understanding. Adjusted for inflation, public funding for international exchanges and foreign-language study is well below the levels of 40 years ago. In the wake of September 11, c

29、hanges in the visa process caused a dramatic decline in the number of foreign students seeking admission to U.S. universities, and a corresponding surge in enrollments in Australia, Singapore and the U.K. Objections from American university and business leaders led to improvements in the process and

30、 a reversal of the decline, but the United States is still seen by many as unwelcoming to international students. I) Most Americans recognize that universities contribute to the nations well-being through their scientific research, but many fear that foreign students threaten American competitivenes

31、s by taking their knowledge and skills back home. They fail to grasp that welcoming foreign students to the United States has two important positive effects: first, the very best of them stay in the States andlike immigrants throughout historystrengthen the nation; and second, foreign students who s

32、tudy in the United States become ambassadors for many of its most cherished (珍視) values when they return home. Or at least they understand them better. In America as elsewhere, few instruments of foreign policy are as effective in promoting peace and stability as welcoming international university s

33、tudents. 1. American universities prepare their undergraduates for global careers by giving them chances for international study or internship. 2. Since the mid-1970s, the enrollment of overseas students has increased at an annual rate of 3.9 percent. 3. The enrollment of international students will

34、 have a positive impact on America rather than threaten its competitiveness. 4. The way research is carried out in universities has changed as a result of globalization. 5. Of the newly hired professors in science and engineering in the United States, twenty percent come from foreign countries. 6. T

35、he number of foreign students applying to U.S. universities decreased sharply after September 11 due to changes in the visa process. 7. The U.S. federal funding for research has been unsteady for years. 8. Around the world, governments encourage the model of linking university-based science and indu

36、strial application. 9. Present-day universities have become a powerful force for global integration. 10. When foreign students leave America, they will bring American values back to their home countries. Passage Two Into the unknownA) Until the early 1900s nobody thought much about the whole populat

37、ions getting older. UN had the foresight to convene a “world assembly on ageing” back in 1982, but that came and went. By 1994 the World Bank had noticed that something big was happening. In a report entitled “Averting the Old Age Crisis”, it argued that pension arrangements in most countries were u

38、nsustainable. B) For the next ten years a succession of books, mainly by Americans, surrounded by the alarm. They had titles like Young vs. Old, Gray Dawn and The Coming Generational Storm, and their message was blunt: health-care systems were heading for the rocks, pensioners were taking young peop

39、le to the cleaners, and soon there would be intergenerational warfare. C) Since then the debate has become less emotional, not least because a lot more is known about the subject. Books, conferences and research papers have multiplied. International organizations such as the OECD and the EU issue re

40、gular reports. Population ageing is on every agenda, from G8 economic conferences to NATO summits. The World Economic Forum plans to consider the future of pensions and health care at its prestigious Davos conference early next year. The media, including the newspaper, are giving the subject extensi

41、ve coverage.D) Whether all that attention has translated into sufficient action is another question. Governments in rich countries now accept that their pension and health-care promises will soon become unaffordable, and many of them have embarked on reforms, but so far only timidly. That is not sur

42、prising: politicians with an eye on the next election will hardly rush to introduce unpopular measures that may not bear fruit for years, perhaps decades. E) The outline of the changes needed is clear. To avoid fiscal (財(cái)政的) meltdown, public pensions and health-care provision will have to be reined b

43、ack severely and taxes may have to go up. By far the most effective method to restrain pension spending is to give people the opportunity to work longer, because it increases tax revenues and reduces spending on pensions at the same time. It may even keep them alive longer. John Rother, the AARPs he

44、ad of policy and strategy, points to studies showing that other things being equal, people who remain at work have lower death rates than their retired peers. F) Younger people today mostly accept that they will have to work for longer and that their pensions will be less generous. Employers still n

45、eed to be persuaded that older workers are worth holding on to. That may be because they have had plenty of younger ones to choose from, partly thanks to the post-war baby-boom and partly because over the past few decades many more women have entered the labor force, increasing employers choice. But

46、 the reservoir of women able and willing to take up paid work is running low, and the baby-boomers are going grey. G) In many countries immigrants have been filling such gaps in the labor force as have already emerged (and remember that the real shortage is still around ten years off). Immigration i

47、n the developed world is the highest it has ever been, and it is making a useful difference. In still-fertile America it currently accounts for about 40% of total population growth, and in fast-ageing Western Europe for about 90%. H) On the face of it, it seems the perfect solution. Many developing

48、countries have lots of young people in the need of jobs, many rich countries need helping hands that will boost tax revenues and keep up economic growth. But over the next few decades labor forces in rich countries are set to shrink so much that inflows of immigrants would have to increase enormousl

49、y to compensate: to at least twice their current size in western Europes most youthful countries, and three times in the older ones. Japan would need a large multiple of the few immigrants it has at present. Public opinion polls show that people in most rich countries already think that immigration

50、is too high. Further big increases would be politically unfeasible. I) To tackle the problem of ageing populations at its root, “old” countries would have to rejuvenate (使年輕) themselves by having more of their own children. A number of them have tried, some more successfully than others. But it is n

51、ot a simple matter of offering financial incentives or providing more child care. Modern urban life in rich countries is not well adapted to large families. Women find it hard to combine family and career. They often compromise by having just one child. J) And if fertility in ageing countries does n

52、ot pick up? It will not be the end of the world, at least not for quite a while yet, but the world will become a different place. Older societies may be less innovative and more strongly disinclined to take risks than younger ones. By 2025 at the latest, about half the voters in America and most of

53、those in western European countries will be over 50and older people turn out to vote in much greater numbers than younger ones. Academic studies have found no evidence so far that older voters have used their power at the ballot box to push for policies that specifically benefit them, though if in f

54、uture there are many more of them they might start doing so. K) Nor is there any sign of the intergenerational warfare predicted in the 1990s. After all, older people themselves mostly have families. In a recent study of parents and grown-up children in 11 European countries, Karsten Hank of Mannhei

55、m University found that 85% of them lived within 25km of each other and the majority of them were in touch at least once a week. L) Even so, the shift in the centre of gravity to older age groups is bound to have a profound effect on societies, not just economically and politically but in all sorts

56、of other ways too. Richard Jackson and Neil Howe of Americas CSIS, in a thoughtful book called The Graying of the Great Powers, argue that, among other things, the ageing of the developed countries will have a number of serious security implications. M) For example, the shortage of young adults is likely to make countries more reluctant to commit the few they have to military service. In the decades to 2050, America will find itself playing an ever-increasing role in the developed worlds defense effort. Because Americas population will still be growing