世界銀行（World Bank）：21世紀(jì)以來撒哈拉以南非洲的治理：四大趨勢和不確定的前景

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PolicyResearchWorkingPaper10713

GovernanceinSub-SaharanAfrica

inthe21stCentury

FourTrendsandanUncertainOutlook

DeborahIsser

GaelRaballand

MichaelWatts

DianeZovighian

GovernanceGlobalPractice

March2024

PolicyResearchWorkingPaper10713

Abstract

WhatcanbelearnedfromthegovernancetrajectoryofAfricancountriessincethebeginningofthe21stcentury?WhatisthequalityofgovernanceontheAfricancontinentandhowdoesitshapedevelopment?Thefirstdecadeofthemillenniumsawpromisinggrowthandpovertyreductioninmuchofthecontinent.Yet,Sub-SaharanAfricahasalsobeenthestageofastreamofgovernancereformfailuresandpolicyreversals,andmanycountriescontinuetosufferfromtheconsequencesofpoorgovernance.Thispaperexploresthedynamicsofgovernancereformonthecontinentoverthepasttwodecadesandpointstofourkeytrends.First,effectivestateinstitutions,capableofmaintainingpeace,

fosteringgrowth,anddeliveringservices,havedevelopedunevenly.Second,progresshasbeenmadeonenhancingtheinclusivenessandaccountabilityofinstitutions,butitremainsconstrainedbytheweaknessofchecksandbalancesandthepersistenceofpatternsofcentralizedandexclu-sivepowerarrangements.Third,civiccapacityhasrisenconsiderably,buttheinabilityofinstitutionstorespondtosocialexpectationsandpoliticalmobilizationthreatenstoturnliberalcivicengagementintodistrust,populism,andradicalization.Fourth,thecombinationofthesethreetrendscontributestotheriseofpoliticalinstability,whichconstitutesamajorthreatforthecontinent.

ThispaperisaproductoftheGovernanceGlobalPractice.ItispartofalargereffortbytheWorldBanktoprovideopenaccesstoitsresearchandmakeacontributiontodevelopmentpolicydiscussionsaroundtheworld.PolicyResearchWorkingPapersarealsopostedontheWebat

/prwp.Theauthorsmaybecontactedatdisser@

andgraballand@@.

ThePolicyResearchWorkingPaperSeriesdisseminatesthefindingsofworkinprogresstoencouragetheexchangeofideasaboutdevelopmentissues.Anobjectiveoftheseriesistogetthefindingsoutquickly,evenifthepresentationsarelessthanfullypolished.Thepaperscarrythenamesoftheauthorsandshouldbecitedaccordingly.Thefindings,interpretations,andconclusionsexpressedinthispaperareentirelythoseoftheauthors.TheydonotnecessarilyrepresenttheviewsoftheInternationalBankforReconstructionandDevelopment/WorldBankanditsaffiliatedorganizations,orthoseoftheExecutiveDirectorsoftheWorldBankorthegovernmentstheyrepresent.

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GovernanceinSub-SaharanAfricainthe21stCentury:

FourTrendsandanUncertainOutlook

DeborahIsser

GaelRaballand

MichaelWatts

DianeZovighian1

JEL:D73,D74,H11,F51,N57.

Keywords:Sub-SaharanAfrica,governance,statecapacity,institutionalreform,servicedelivery,corruption,democraticdevelopment,conflict,stability,socialcontract.

1TheauthorsthankMonicaBeuran,MathieuCloutier,Anne-LiseCogoli-BelandLenaRaballandforbackgroundresearchandinputs,andAbebeAdugna,AndrewDabalen,AidanEyakuze,ChorchingGoh,TraceyLane,BobRijkers,ZainabUsman,LeonardWantchekonandAlbertZeufackfortheircommentsandsuggestionsonpreviousversionsofthispaper.

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Introduction

Thereisastrongacademicandpolicyconsensusthatgovernancemattersfordevelopment.2Empiricalevidenceshowsthatdevelopmenttrajectoriesarelargelyshapedbythepresence–orabsence–of:aneffectivestatemonopolyontheuseofviolence;stableandpredictablerulesandinstitutionsthatregulateeconomicrelations,enforcecontractsandregulations,andpromoteeconomicinvestments;aswellasopenandinclusivepoliticalinstitutionsthatensuretherepresentationofpluraleconomicinterestsandcreatepoliticalincentivestoleveltheeconomicplayingfield(North1990,Rodriketal.2004,AcemogluandRobinson2012).Figures1to3illustratethepositivecorrelationbetweengovernancedeterminants(politicalstability,ruleoflaw,andvoiceandaccountability)andgrowthinSub-SaharanAfrica(SSA).Theyalsohint,however,atthemanyconundrumsofinstitutionalandeconomicdevelopment,includingtheuneasyrelationbetweennaturalresources,governanceandgrowthaswellasthewidevariationsineconomicperformanceofcountriessituatedinthe‘messymiddle’ofthegovernancespectrum.

WhatisthequalityofgovernanceontheAfricancontinentandhowdoesitshapedevelopment?WhatcanbelearnedfromthegovernancetrajectoryofAfricancountriessincethebeginningofthe21stcentury?Thefirstdecadeofthemillenniumsawpromisinggrowthandpovertyreductioninmuchofthecontinent.ViolenceandfatalitiesdroppedsignificantlyasmajorconflictsinLiberia,SierraLeoneandtheGreatLakesregionwerebroughtifnotunderfullcontrolatleasttonewstatesofstability.Anecdotalevidenceandcountrycasestudiespointto(sometimesunexpected)governancewins:apost-conflictcountrysuchasRwandahasmanagedtoreformitspublicadministrationtoimproveservicedeliveryespeciallyforhealth;andsomecountries,suchasBotswana,havemanagedtosafeguardtheirstabilityfordecadesandhavebuiltonthisconduciveenvironmenttopushforwardselectedfinancialmanagementandregulatoryreforms.Inaddition,thecontinenthaswitnessedalargenumberofpeacefulelectoraltransitionstooppositionparties,includinginplacessuchasNigeriawithlegaciesofauthoritarianruleandcivilconflict,eveniftheelectionsthemselvespointedtowardtheexistenceofballotrigging,intimidationandfraud.

YetSSAhasalsobeenthestageofastreamofgovernancereformfailuresandpolicyreversals,andmanycountriescontinuetosufferfromtheconsequencesofpoorgovernance.Sincearound2015,aseriesofcriseswithmostlyexternalorigins–plungingcommoditymarkets,thespreadofinsecurityandreligiousextremism,theCOVID-19pandemic,ariseinauthoritarianformsofpopulismandamajorshiftinthegeopoliticallandscape–haverevealedtheunderlyingweaknessofdemocraticinstitutionsandstatecapacityinmuchofthecontinent.Basedonapossibleoverlyoptimisticvisionin2000(duetothecurrentcontextatthattime),manyAfricancountries,relyingonthecommoditysupercyclebetweenthelate1990sand2008havenotundertakenthenecessarygovernancereformsandhavestartedtosufferfrom

2ThispaperadoptsthedefinitionofgovernanceofferedbytheWorldDevelopmentReport2017(GovernanceandtheLaw):“theprocessthroughwhichstateandnonstateactorsinteracttodesignandimplementpolicieswithinagivensetofformalandinformalrulesthatshapeandareshapedbypower.”Thisdefinitionemphasizestherolethatpower,normsandincentivesplayinshapingthewayformalgovernmentorganizationsandagenciesworkinpractice.Althoughinclusive,representativeinstitutionsareanintrinsicgood,governancehereisalsoassessedwithrespecttotheabilityofinstitutionstomakedecisionsandimplementpoliciesthatdeliverpro-poordevelopment.

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growingdebtandeconomicimbalances,whichhascontributedtothestate’sinabilitytorespondtogrowingdemandsanddissatisfactionfromcitizens(Blas2023).

Figure1.PoliticalstabilityandeconomicdevelopmentinSub-SaharanAfrica(2021)

Sudan

South

SaoTome

Rwanda

Nigeria

Sudan

Niger

Mali

The

BurkinaFaso

Zimbabwe

Chad

Ethiopia

Coted'Ivoiengola

KenyaMauritaniaGhana

Zambia

GuineaSenegal

Congo,Rep.Benin

andPrincipe

UgandaComoros

MaTdggscaanzaniaLesotho

SierraLeoneGambia,

Somalia

Guinea-BissauMalawi

EritreaMozambique

Congo,Dem.Rep.Burundi

CentralAfrican

Liberia

Seychelles

SouthAfricaEquatorial

Mauritius

Guinea

Namibia

Gabon

Eswatini

Botswana

CaboVerde

Cameroon

Republic

-3.00-2.50-2.00-1.50-1.00-0.500.000.501.00

PoliticalStability

4.6

4.4

4.2

4

3.8

3.6

3.4

3.2

3

2.8

logGDPpcPPP

Note:Thex-axisrepresentstheWorldGovernanceIndicatoronpoliticalstability.Oilricheconomiesarerepresentedinyellow;non-oilbutresource-richeconomiesingreen;non-resourcerichcountriesinblue.Thedataisthelatestavailable(2021).Source:WGIdatabaseforpoliticalstabilityindicatorandWDIdatabasefordatabaseforGDPpercapita.

Figure2.RuleoflawandeconomicdevelopmentinSub-SaharanAfrica(2021)

Seychelles

Mauritius

EquatorialGuineaGabonSouthAfricaBotswana

Namibia

AngolaCoted'IvoireGhana

Guinea-iibweMaliToourkinaFasoGambia,The

EritreaChadLiberiaMadagascarMalawi

CentralAfricanRepublic

Burundi

Congo,Dem.Rep.MozambiqueNiger

NigeriaMauritaniaKenya

SudanCameroonSaoTomeandPrincipe

ComorosCongo,Rep.ZambieninSenegal

GuineaEthiopiaTanzthoUga…

SierraLeone

CaboVerde

Eswatini

Rwanda

SouthSudan

Somalia

4.6

4.4

4.2

4

3.8

3.6

3.4

3.2

3

2.8

logGDPpcPPP

-2.40-1.90-1.40-0.90Ruleoflaw-0.400.100.60

Note:Thex-axisrepresentstheWorldGovernanceIndicatoronruleoflaw.Oilricheconomiesarerepresentedinyellow;non-oilbutresource-richeconomiesingreen;non-resourcerichcountriesinblue.Thedataisthelatestavailable(2021).Source:WGIdatabaseforruleoflawindicatorandWDIdatabasefordatabaseforGDPpercapita.

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Figure3.PoliticalinclusionandaccountabilityandeconomicdevelopmentinSub-SaharanAfrica(2021)

SouthAfrica

Seychelles

Mauritius

Botswana

Gabon

EquatorialGuinea

Eswatini

Namibia

Eritrea

Somalia

SouthSudan

ChadCongo,Rep.EthiopiaUgandaTanzaniaZamGbuiianea-BissaurkinaFothoSaoTomeandPrincipe

ZimbabweRwandaTogoMMaolizambiqueNigerGambia,The

SierraLeone

CentralAfricanRepublic

Congo,Dem.Rep.

Malawi

BurundiMadagascarLiberia

AngolaMaiiaCoted'IvoKienya

SudanCameroonBeninSenegal

Comoros

GuineaGhana

CaboVerde

4.5

4

3.5

3

2.5

logGDPpcPPP

-2.00

-1.50

-1.00

Voiceandaccountability

-0.50

0.00

0.50

1.00

Note:Thex-axisrepresentstheWorldGovernanceIndicatoronvoiceandaccountability.Oilricheconomiesarerepresentedinyellow;non-oilbutresource-richeconomiesingreen;non-resourcerichcountriesinblue.Thedataisthelatestavailable(2021).Source:WGIdatabaseforvoiceandaccountabilityindicatorandWDIdatabasefordatabaseforGDPpercapita.

Governancebreakdownsunderliesecurityandservicedeliverychallengesandweakenthesocialcontract.3Despiteincreasedmilitaryspending,nationalsecurityforcestendtobeindecay(Dwyer2017andBagayoko2022),andAfricanstatesstruggletorespondtothesecuritydemandsoftheircitizens.Inefficientpublicspendingandchronicpoororunder-administrationduetolowrevenuecollectionpreventimprovementsinqualityservicedelivery.Morebroadly,aglobalbacklashagainstliberalinstitutionscoupledwiththeriseofpopulism,facilitatedbytheriseofsocialmediaandpressureontraditionalmedia,hasalsocontributedtotheweaknessofsocialcontractsonwhatasocialcontractis).Highlevelsofcorruptionincludingillicitfinancialflowsarefurtherfuelingcitizendistrustinpoliticalauthoritiesandstateinstitutions.

Thecontinenthasalsowitnessedasharpincreaseinconflictandviolencefueledbyextremistgroupscapitalizingonlocally-basedgrievances,suchaspoliticalmarginalization(Dowd2015)acrosstheSahel,theHornofAfrica,Mozambiqueandelsewhere(BolyandKere2023).Inanumberofcountries,afailingsocialcontractandtheriseofnon-statearmedgroupshavealsogonehandinhandwiththereturnofcoupsandthemilitarizationofpolitics–furtherfuelingpoliticalinstability.Whilecoupswereacommonoccurrenceinthepost-independenceera,theirnumbersubstantiallydecreasedfromthe2000s;inthe

3A2021WorldBankreport,SocialContractsforDevelopment:Bargaining,ContentionandSocialInclusioninSub-SaharanAfrica,builtontheframeworkofWDR2017toexaminehowthecitizen-statebargainingprocessshapesgovernance.Socialcontractscanbeunderstoodas“adynamicagreementbetweenstateandsocietyontheirmutualrolesandresponsibilities.”Socialcontractscanbeevaluatedonthree“compasses”:(1)process—howformalandinformalbargainingmechanismsmediatecivilandstateinterestsandcapabilities;(2)outcomes—theextenttowhichtheydeliverinclusivedevelopmentalpoliciesandoutcomes;and(3)resilience—theextenttowhichtheyareresponsivetoandalignedwithcitizenexpectations.ThereporthighlightsthewaysinwhichcitizencollectiveactioninSSAishamperedbylowlevelsoftrust,appealstoidentitypoliticsandlayersofmediatedauthorities.Thestate,inturn,tendstoinvestcapacityinmaintainingbargainsamongtheelitewhileappeasingcitizenswithpopulistpolicieslikesubsidies.Wherecitizencapacityandexpectationsoutpacewhatthestateisoffering,thiscanresultinrealigningthesocialcontract.Butwheretheinterestsandcapabilitiesofthestatecannotaccommodatesuchchanges,itcanresultindeepermistrustandevenconflict.

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decadebefore2021,therewasonaverageonlyonesuccessfulcoupperyear.Since2020,however,thecontinenthasseentheresurgenceofmilitarycoups,incountriesasvariedasBurkinaFaso,Sudan,Guinea,Chad,Mali,NigerandGabon.Thecontextofthosecoupsvariessubstantially;yetseveralfactorsemergeasreliablecouppredictors,includingfailingsocialcontracts,insecurityandthemilitarizationofpolitics.Citizendissatisfactionwiththefailuresofservicedeliveryanddemocraticgovernance(includingflawedelections),andtherelatedlackofperceivedlegitimacyofgovernments,havebeenrecurrentoccurrencesinpre-coupcontexts;inseveralcountriesitmaterializedinsocialprotestsand,intheinitialphasesatleast,inpopularsupportformilitarycoupsandmilitarygovernance,despitecitizens’strongexpressedpreferencesfordemocraticformsofgovernment.4

ThispaperexploresthedynamicsofgovernancereformonthecontinentoverthepasttwodecadesandattemptstomakesenseoftheheterogeneityofAfricangovernancetrajectories.Itidentifieslong-termtrendsandtentativelylaysoutsomeofthereformwinsandsomeoftheareasthatlagbehind.Whiletheanalysisinevitablyreliesonaggregateddatatomakegeneralizationsandonimperfectbenchmarksforcomparisons,italso,wherepossible,attemptstoprovidenuancedandfine-grainedcountryperspectives.

TakingstockofgovernanceinthelasttwentyyearsinSub-SaharanAfrica

Thecontinent’strackrecordonachievingeffectiveandaccountablegovernanceinstitutionscapableofmanagingconflictanddrivinginclusivegrowthismixed,butoverallhasnotmatchedthe(arguablyexcessive)expectationsoftheearly2000s.

TheanalysisofthestateofgovernanceinAfricasince2000pointstofourkeytrends,whichthispaperexploresindepth:

1.Effectivestateinstitutions,capableofmaintainingpeace,fosteringgrowthanddeliveringservices,havedevelopedunevenly.Therehasbeensomeprogressinreformingstateinstitutions,includingonfundamentalssuchasrevenuemobilizationandpublicfinancialmanagementinsomeselectedcountries.Yet,overallprogressonbuildingstrongandeffectivestateinstitutions,includingpublicadministrationandregulatorycapacities,hasstagnatedandreformershavehadtocontendwithrepeatedreformfailuresandreversals,inparticularinfragileandresource-richcountries.Thissubparprogressoninstitutionaldevelopmentunderliesthepersistenceofpettyandgrandcorruption,andlowperformanceofpublicservicedelivery.

2.Progresshasbeenmadeonenhancingtheinclusivenessandaccountabilityofinstitutions–butitremainsconstrainedbytheweaknessofchecksandbalancesandthepersistenceofpatternsof

4Themajorityofcountriesalsoexperiencedcoupspartiallyasa“by-productoftheimbalancedaggrandizementoftheirarmedforcesinthefaceofserioussecuritythreats—whetherfromdomesticinsurgencies,organizedcrime,orthespreadofmilitancyrelatedtotheglobal“waronterror”and/orinsecuritycontagionfromfailingneighboringstates”.SeeOpalo,Ken.“PuttingtherecentcoupsintheSahelinbroaderperspective”.AnAfricanistPerspective(blog).August3,2023.

/p/putting-the-recent-coups-in-the-

sahel#:~:text=The%20recent%20spate%20of%20coups,shaky%20sovereignty%20of%20these%20states

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centralizedandexclusivepowerarrangements.Therepeatedholdingofmultipartyelectionsacrossthecontinenthasintroducedsomelevelsofelectoralaccountability,buttheexerciseofpowerandtheworkingofinstitutionsremainvulnerabletoopacity,extractivebehaviorandexclusiveelitepacts.Checksandbalancesonexecutivepowertendtobeweak,transparencylimited,andaccesstopoliticalandeconomicpowerremainshighlyunequal.Inthatcontext,countriesindemocratictransitionshavetendedtostruggletodeliverontheirdevelopmentpromises–andmanycountriesarestuckinastableequilibriumofextractivepoliticalandeconomicinstitutions.

3.Civiccapacityhasrisenconsiderably–buttheinabilityofinstitutionstorespondtosocialexpectationsandpoliticalmobilizationthreatenstoturnliberalcivicengagementintodistrust,populismandradicalization.Democraticdevelopmentattheturnofthecenturyopenedawindowofopportunity.Itcreatedpressureformorepublictransparencyandspaceforsocialmobilization,whichculminatedintheArabandAfricanspringsintheearly2010s.Yet,civicmobilizationhasnotbeenmatchedbycomplementarystateresponsiveness,whetherintermsofservicedelivery,security,orpublicintegrity.Thismismatchcomeswithhighrisksofinstability,asillustratedbythedeclineincitizens’trustininstitutionsandcouldopenthedoorforsocialdemandsforlessliberalformsofgovernance.

4.Thecombinationoftheabovethreetrendscontributestotheriseofpoliticalinstability,whichconstitutesamajorthreattothecontinent’sabilitytoclaimthe21stcentury.Disappointmentintheabilityofstatestodeliverbasicservices,weakinstitutionalchannelsforaccountabilityandhighlevelsofdistrustpointtothefragilityofthesocialcontract.Interstatewarshavedeclinedsincetheturnofthemillennium,buttheregionhasexperiencedasharpuptickinviolenteventssince2015,withinsecurityspreadingacrosstheSahelregiontotheHornofAfricaasevidencedbytherecentstreamofmilitarycoups–eightsuccessfulsinceAugust2020.Suchinstabilityandviolencearecorebindingconstraintstogrowthonthecontinent:instabilitycreatespolicyvolatility,shortenspolicyhorizonsleadingtosuboptimalmacroeconomicpolicydecisions,anddecreasesinvestors’confidence–withnegativeeffectsoneconomicperformance.Africandemocraciesaremorelikelytoinvestinpro-poorgrowth:militaryexpendituresarehigherinautocraticregimesthanindemocraticregimesinAfrica,whereasdemocraticregimesspendmoreoneducationandhealth(Ndayikeza2021).Fangetal.(2020)estimatethatinSSAannualgrowthincountriesinconflictisabout2.5percentagepointsloweronaverage,andthattheimpactonpercapitaGDPiscumulativeandincreasesovertime.Althoughtransitionstodemocracycanbevolatile,ultimatelydemocraciestendbebettergovernedandabletosustaininclusivegrowth.

Ahigh-levellookatgovernancedata

Ahigh-levellookatgovernancedatasuggeststhatchangehasbeenslowoverthepast20yearsinSSAandthatgovernanceintheregionstilltendstolagbehindotherworldregions.AggregateWorldGovernanceIndicatorsillustratethosemacro-trends.ThethreeaggregatevariablespresentedinFigure4measurekeydimensionsofgovernance,namelygovernmenteffectiveness,voiceandaccountability,andpoliticalstability.TheyshowthatSSAslightlyimproveditspercentilerankforvoiceandaccountabilityand

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deterioratedongovernmenteffectivenessandpoliticalstability.SSAtendstoperformworsethanallotherworldregions–withtheexceptionoftheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica(MENA),whichSSAoutperformsontheindicatorsrelatedtovoiceandaccountabilityandpoliticalstability.SSAlagsbehindallotherworldregionsonmeasuresofgovernmenteffectivenessanditspositionappearstohaveslightlydeterioratedsincetheearly2000s.

Figure4.WorldGovernanceIndicatorsbyregion,2000-2020

GovernmentEffectiveness(percentilerank:0to100)

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

EAP

2000

2005

2010

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ECA

2000

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2020

LAC

2000

2005

2010

2015

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MENA

2000

2005

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SA

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

SSA

Source:WorldwideGovernanceIndicators(WB).Definitions:Percentilerankrangesfrom0(lowest)to100(highest).Regions:EAP(EastAsia&Pacific);ECA(Europe&CentralAsia);LAC(LatinAmerica&Caribbean);MENA(MiddleEast&NorthAfrica);SA(SouthAsia);SSA(Sub-SaharanAfrica).

VoiceandAccountability(percentilerank:0to100)

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0

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LAC

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MENA

2000

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SA

2000

2005

2010

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2020

SSA

Source:WorldwideGovernanceIndicators(WB).Definitions:Percentilerankrangesfrom0(lowest)to100(highest).Regions:EAP(EastAsia&Pacific);ECA(Europe&CentralAsia);LAC(LatinAmerica&Caribbean);MENA(MiddleEast&NorthAfrica);SA(SouthAsia);SSA(Sub-SaharanAfrica).

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PoliticalStability(percentilerank:0to100)

0

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10

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

EAP

2000

2005

2010

2015

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ECA

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2005

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2015

2020

LAC

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

MENA

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

SA

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

SSA

Source:WorldwideGovernanceIndicators(WB).Definitions:Percentilerankrangesfrom0(lowest)to100(highest).Regions:EAP(EastAsia&Pacific);ECA(Europe&CentralAsia);LAC(LatinAmerica&Caribbean);MENA(MiddleEast&NorthAfrica);SA(SouthAsia);SSA(Sub-SaharanAfrica).

Thenextsectionsdelvemoredeeplyintotheregion’sgovernancerecord.Theylookatfourbuildingblocksofinclusiveandeffectivegovernance,namely:(i)stateeffectivenessandcapability;(ii)inclusiveandaccountablepoliticalinstitutions;(iii)civiccapacity;and(iv)politicalstability.Moredisaggregateddataprovidesomenuancetothegovernancediagnostic.Ithelpsidentifysomepositivetrendsthatarehiddenbyaggregatevariables,suchastheprogressmadeonselectedfundamentalsofgovernmenteffectiveness(includingpublicfinancialmanagementandrevenuegeneration),thedurabilityofdemocratic(andelectoral)processes,andthedeclineininterstatewars.Yet,italsoshowsthat,despitethistrioofadvances,progresshasoftenbeensubjecttoreversalsandstagnation,andmanyareasofgovernancecontinuetolagbehind.

Stateeffectivenessandstatecapacitytrends

Long-termtrend1.Effectivestateinstitutions,capableofmaintainingpeace,fosteringgrowthanddeliveringservices,havedevelopedunevenlysince2000.Therehasbeensomeprogressinreformingstateinstitutions,includingon‘fundamentals'suchaspublicfinancialmanagementorrevenuemobilizationinselectedcountries.Yet,overallprogressonbuildingstrongandeffectivestateinstitutions,includingpublicadministrationandregulatorycapacityimplementationhasstagnatedandreformershavehadtocontendwithrepeatedreformfailuresandreversals,inparticularinfragileandresource-richcountries.Thissubparprogressoninstitutionaldevelopmentunderliesthepersistenceofpettyandgrandcorruption,andthelowperformanceofpublicservicedelivery.

Overallprogressonstateeffectivenessandcapacityhasstagnatedsince