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1、1企業(yè)的社會(huì)責(zé)任:一種趨勢(shì)和運(yùn)動(dòng), 但社會(huì)責(zé)任是什么,是為了什么?企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任( CSR )已成為一個(gè)全球趨勢(shì),涉及企業(yè),國(guó)家,國(guó)際組織和民間社 會(huì)組織。但這遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不能清楚 CSR的主張,有什么真正的趨勢(shì),是從哪里開始,在哪里發(fā)展, 誰是項(xiàng)目的主要行動(dòng)者。 如果把它作為一種社會(huì)運(yùn)動(dòng), 我們必須要問: 什么運(yùn)動(dòng)和誰執(zhí)行? 討論有助于我們反思形成的趨勢(shì)和如何管理某些特點(diǎn)來迅速和廣泛地在全球各地進(jìn)行擴(kuò) 展,并增加了以下體制變革 ,特別是對(duì)變化中國(guó)家之間、 企業(yè)法人和民間社會(huì)組織關(guān)系之間 的界限的作用。企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任的趨勢(shì)在三個(gè)方面:作為一個(gè)管理框架,新的要求,地方企業(yè) ;作為動(dòng)員 企業(yè)行為,以協(xié)助國(guó)家的
2、發(fā)展援助 ;和作為管理趨勢(shì)。每一個(gè)這些畫像表明,中心的某些行 為,關(guān)系,駕馭團(tuán)隊(duì)和利益。我的例子表明,沒有人對(duì)這些意見似乎比別人更準(zhǔn)確,而是, 活動(dòng)包括規(guī)范的不同利益、作用因素、起源和軌跡。這些多重身份的趨勢(shì)可以部分描述其 成功以及它的爭(zhēng)論,脆弱性和流動(dòng)性。許多公司現(xiàn)在有具體的計(jì)劃和小節(jié)在其網(wǎng)站上處理企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任。在過去,軟條例和 指導(dǎo)網(wǎng)絡(luò), 國(guó)際公認(rèn)的規(guī)則一直是一種重要機(jī)制, 作用在公司、國(guó)家和國(guó)家間組織的需求, 例如,發(fā)布指導(dǎo)方針和條例的公司。在這背景下,國(guó)際組織仍然是重要的行動(dòng)者,他們正 在尋求與跨國(guó)公司進(jìn)行對(duì)話,而不是試圖通過國(guó)家控制企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任。各國(guó)際組織不是對(duì) 企業(yè)的社會(huì)責(zé)任監(jiān)管機(jī)
3、構(gòu) ;而他們卻是監(jiān)管和自我約束的倡議之間的經(jīng)紀(jì)人的最合適人選。 對(duì)社會(huì)負(fù)責(zé)行為和監(jiān)測(cè)這些行為的需求越來越多地以國(guó)家以外的這些組織為渠道,并強(qiáng)調(diào) 贊成高比例的自律。因此,我們看到了軟法律 (Morth, 2004)的出現(xiàn),或者是 Knill 和 Lehmkuhl (2002) 所說的“被規(guī)管的自律”, 和Moran (2002)所歸納的“精細(xì)”或“非正 式”規(guī)章。我更喜歡“軟法律”和“軟規(guī)章”的說法,因?yàn)樗麄儾⒉豢偸欠钦降?。軟?guī) 章常常包括正式報(bào)告和統(tǒng)籌程序。還有,從統(tǒng)籌和行政的觀點(diǎn)來看,那些規(guī)章和精細(xì)還是 相去甚遠(yuǎn)的。社會(huì)責(zé)任的措施和規(guī)章在公司和他們的利益相關(guān)者之間的對(duì)話中發(fā)展。聯(lián)合國(guó)全球契
4、約是發(fā)展中的軟規(guī)章框架的中心。 它是自愿的, 沒有法律約束力的制裁。 適用于沒有遵守規(guī)章并被籠統(tǒng)制定的企業(yè)。它為理解條例提供許多余地,從而以適合它們 自身情況和期待的某種方式,實(shí)現(xiàn)將規(guī)章轉(zhuǎn)化為行動(dòng)的改變。該倡議是建立在菜單上的書 面原則基礎(chǔ)上的國(guó)際宣言和協(xié)定的成員契約遵循。然而,契約本身并不是一個(gè)法律框架。 此倡議依賴于承諾,信譽(yù)和能見度遵守,而不是對(duì)不符合原則的企業(yè)發(fā)出明確的制裁。全 球契約從全球影響力和道德權(quán)威的聯(lián)合國(guó)和增列角色創(chuàng)建社區(qū)發(fā)出的原則,增長(zhǎng)其信譽(yù)。 軟規(guī)則,換言之,是嵌套在更廣泛的監(jiān)管范圍( Jacobsson和薩赫林 -安德森, 2006年),1原文出處及作者: CORPOR
5、ATE GOVERNANCE VOL. 6 NO. 5 2006 Kerstin Sahlin-Andersson更說明了一個(gè)事實(shí),即目前還不清楚,結(jié)合這些條例以及在何種程度上可以預(yù)料,從而遵 守或?qū)⒈3制\?。?lián)合國(guó)全球契約 ,已形成過程中通過響應(yīng)規(guī)則。 2004年的夏天 ,一個(gè)十原理產(chǎn)生廣泛的 在協(xié)商過程。此外 ,大量的重點(diǎn)放在形成什么被稱為“學(xué)習(xí)網(wǎng)絡(luò)”和“政策對(duì)話”。大量的 會(huì)議,安排定期商界領(lǐng)袖、聯(lián)合國(guó)機(jī)構(gòu)、政府的代表 ,勞工協(xié)會(huì) ,非政府組織和其他團(tuán)體、學(xué) 者、都聚集了來討論和分享他們的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和關(guān)心的具體問題。全球緊湊的進(jìn)一步鼓勵(lì)產(chǎn)生的 局部結(jié)構(gòu)和網(wǎng)絡(luò)的國(guó)家區(qū)域的水平。參賽者來自丹麥,芬
6、蘭,挪威和瑞典已經(jīng)形成了全球 契約北歐網(wǎng)絡(luò)為例,探討了實(shí)現(xiàn)的原理。努力擴(kuò)大主要是為了擴(kuò)大網(wǎng)絡(luò)招聘和活化成員及 其它跨國(guó)組織形成合作關(guān)系。 這些網(wǎng)絡(luò)和對(duì)話的目標(biāo) ,為全球契約的網(wǎng)站上公布, 在推動(dòng)學(xué) 習(xí)的演員和部門。參與公司在全球契約要求提供的例子是如何工作的,按照積極推廣十原 則。組織者現(xiàn)在全球契約當(dāng)作學(xué)習(xí)的網(wǎng)絡(luò)和一個(gè)后面的報(bào)告是存在野心的,為最佳實(shí)踐提 供了范例。最近,全球已經(jīng)強(qiáng)調(diào)贊成學(xué)術(shù)著作標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的報(bào)告的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。最佳實(shí)踐的案例是由 學(xué)術(shù)的學(xué)者全球契約,張貼在網(wǎng)站上??茖W(xué)和學(xué)術(shù)參考作為一個(gè)合法化的設(shè)備和手段的平 衡 ,出現(xiàn)在網(wǎng)絡(luò)的依賴性有價(jià)值的獨(dú)立與科學(xué)和審計(jì)。 似乎有一種視覺形式的社區(qū)中,
7、每個(gè) 參與者個(gè)人演員努力顯得適當(dāng)?shù)年P(guān)系網(wǎng)絡(luò)和其他成員對(duì)他們的利益相關(guān)者的立場(chǎng),他們根 據(jù)律。為鼓勵(lì)人們的機(jī)制 ,堅(jiān)持準(zhǔn)則是,因此,包括他們的小組,來說服他們,關(guān)鍵是要有 一個(gè)好的該組織內(nèi)部的名字,達(dá)到一個(gè)高水平的合法性的努力,在作為一個(gè)整體事實(shí)上, 一定程度的合法性 ,信號(hào)到更廣泛的觀眾,團(tuán)隊(duì)成員定義、對(duì)社會(huì)負(fù)責(zé)。最后,既包含緊湊 像強(qiáng)調(diào)的名字的主動(dòng)權(quán)。一個(gè)邏輯的適用性 (1981年3月)作為管理策略:緊湊的重要性,強(qiáng) 調(diào)個(gè)人演員出現(xiàn),它是適當(dāng)?shù)囊?guī)范旨在使看得見的適用性和合規(guī)或缺乏。開發(fā)類似于一個(gè) 社會(huì)運(yùn)動(dòng),它是依靠自己的演員。為了讓這樣一個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)功能有效的、積極參與成員是至關(guān) 重要的。相反于這
8、種理想的設(shè)定緊湊 ,這個(gè)網(wǎng)站,見證公司的放松和不活躍的參與。積極組織的會(huì)議和網(wǎng)絡(luò)視為一種發(fā)起人調(diào)動(dòng)會(huì)員為建立一個(gè)更活躍的運(yùn)動(dòng)。還有其他 的方法中,全球契約提醒我們的社會(huì)運(yùn)動(dòng)或使用汪宏年的(2002)術(shù)語模式轉(zhuǎn)向網(wǎng)絡(luò)。作為其代表強(qiáng)調(diào),“全球契約辦公室不規(guī)范和監(jiān)控公司文件和行動(dòng)”(Kell ,2003年3月, p38)。范圍的動(dòng)員、政策制定、報(bào)告和監(jiān)測(cè)機(jī)構(gòu)正在形成網(wǎng)絡(luò)。這整個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò) ,不是個(gè)體的規(guī)則和規(guī) 則制定者形式監(jiān)管框架。這個(gè)目標(biāo)是為了保持網(wǎng)絡(luò)的演員一起共同原則、程序和規(guī)范。那 些在沖突或那些不遵守規(guī)則內(nèi)沒有受到懲罰系統(tǒng)。因此柔性的規(guī)定存在的假設(shè),將共同規(guī) 范中這些連接網(wǎng)絡(luò)來判斷對(duì)方相對(duì)于既定的
9、規(guī)則和程序。雖然可能有共同利益之初,希望 是這些包括在網(wǎng)絡(luò)來分享共同規(guī)范。包含機(jī)制建立在視覺上的更大更廣泛的這個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò),更 重要的是它會(huì)的是為企業(yè),依賴于他們的利益相關(guān)者,加入網(wǎng)絡(luò)向他人顯示他們遵守其規(guī) 章。那些沒有遵守原則的,僅僅被責(zé)備和羞辱,而沒有接受正規(guī)的制裁。延長(zhǎng)網(wǎng)絡(luò)是建立 在全球契約包含了大量的主動(dòng)關(guān)心的企業(yè)公民 ,企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任和相關(guān)問題。它包含大量多 樣,包括政府機(jī)構(gòu)組織為世界銀行、 國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)合作與發(fā)展組織,商業(yè)協(xié)會(huì) (例如國(guó)際商會(huì)及 世界貿(mào)易委員會(huì)對(duì)可持續(xù)發(fā)展 ),勞動(dòng)組織 (例如國(guó)際聯(lián)合會(huì)的自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定 )、學(xué)術(shù)機(jī)構(gòu)、民間組織。另外 ,主動(dòng)離開紀(jì)律的獨(dú)立觀察者學(xué)者、非政府組織、獨(dú)
10、立的媒體觀察和細(xì)究 這個(gè)措施,用手指責(zé)備那些超越規(guī)則界限的行為。鼓勵(lì)公民社會(huì)組織細(xì)看社會(huì)責(zé)任感的企 業(yè),全球形成一種治理結(jié)構(gòu)緊湊而不需要運(yùn)用法律框架。在這個(gè)指南為會(huì)員,貼在全球契 約的網(wǎng)站 ,Corpwatch及其他公民社會(huì)組織已知愈發(fā)細(xì)看公司和全球化被稱為活性檢查操作 的全球契約和它的成員的跡象 ,積極進(jìn)行審查。通過與這些更關(guān)鍵的演員 ,主動(dòng)進(jìn)一步合法 化。這些組織預(yù)計(jì)扮演重要的角色檢查監(jiān)視器和批判的公司的演員和公司遵循建立的原 則。另一種和補(bǔ)充的獨(dú)立觀察員和活動(dòng)中不可或缺的部分的管理和治理結(jié)構(gòu)是建立具有獨(dú) 立性的監(jiān)測(cè)系統(tǒng)。這樣一個(gè)系統(tǒng)的會(huì)計(jì)的這些方面生意的全球報(bào)告倡議(世源科技公司 ),正
11、在發(fā)展。世源科技公司自己描述其網(wǎng)站作為“多方利益過程和獨(dú)立機(jī)構(gòu)的使命是去可持 續(xù)發(fā)展和推廣全球報(bào)告準(zhǔn)則”放之四海而皆準(zhǔn)。這個(gè)主辦了多方利益過程具有永久性,獨(dú) 立的組織自從 1997年全球總部位于荷蘭阿姆斯特丹。致力于發(fā)展的困擾一個(gè)報(bào)告制度與國(guó) 際會(huì)計(jì)準(zhǔn)則委員會(huì)和達(dá)到一定水平的報(bào)告的經(jīng)濟(jì)效益、環(huán)境效益和社會(huì)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展,將 作為常規(guī)財(cái)務(wù)報(bào)告。一個(gè)框架協(xié)定全球契約世源科技公司成立,于2003年 3月,在全球契約同意鼓勵(lì)公司使用指南和報(bào)告指標(biāo),世源科技公司現(xiàn)有匹配全球契約的原則。延長(zhǎng)網(wǎng)絡(luò) 的報(bào)告、規(guī)范、規(guī)則設(shè)定和監(jiān)控組織已經(jīng)連接到全球契約。例如,世源科技公司和全球契 約已經(jīng)宣布,他們與社會(huì)和環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn)
12、的聯(lián)系。SA8000和ISO14000。監(jiān)督和治理模式和發(fā)展伴隨著新元素的演變, 以相互之間伴隨著 相關(guān)的監(jiān)督管理 ,控制相互作用和批判的作用力。法規(guī)和治理具有相互作用的規(guī)范。 CSR作 為監(jiān)管框架:影響組織和跨界別的關(guān)系有一種特殊的社會(huì)趨勢(shì)的抗議活動(dòng)演變與公民社會(huì) 的關(guān)注組織。公司已經(jīng)推出計(jì)劃,應(yīng)用標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和帶著積極參與開發(fā)此類標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的回應(yīng)新的要求 和新形式的監(jiān)控。 它是一種管理框架。 公司的主要目標(biāo), 開始出現(xiàn)了主要驅(qū)動(dòng)因素的趨勢(shì)。 其他組織或多或少都動(dòng)員作為這個(gè)公司的環(huán)境的因素。國(guó)家和政府間國(guó)際組織擔(dān)任在公司 的渠道,要求地方要求,也被表達(dá)公民社會(huì)組織。這個(gè)組織的努力與國(guó)際組織把這些要求 背后
13、的合法性和力量被包裝他們的形式全球標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和報(bào)告的標(biāo)準(zhǔn),通過基于聯(lián)合國(guó)框架,通 過將他們與建立、規(guī)范和協(xié)議。這樣的運(yùn)動(dòng)建立并將會(huì)進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)調(diào)了三者之間關(guān)系國(guó)家、 國(guó)際組織、企業(yè)、國(guó)家有望形式制度框架內(nèi),維護(hù)公司的行為。這個(gè)原因形成這種監(jiān)管框 架是薄弱的,而不是努力是基于框架似乎無法完成和國(guó)家法規(guī), 不得有接受那些調(diào)節(jié) (公司 ) 及他們的利益相關(guān)者。因此,把重點(diǎn)放在柔軟的條例,出現(xiàn)了全球性的權(quán)力力量的跨國(guó)公 司。因?yàn)楣居羞@樣的力量這個(gè)世界 ,他們的最基本的人性、 工人和環(huán)境的權(quán)利積極發(fā)展所 必需的深化企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任的世界。辯論中心應(yīng)符合標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的實(shí)現(xiàn)誰應(yīng)該監(jiān)控,達(dá)到符合處罰 不遵守的行為。然而,也有不同
14、的方式,在各種行動(dòng)者追趕 CSR。一個(gè)區(qū)別有關(guān)的其他相 關(guān)企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任活動(dòng),并要求對(duì)公司的業(yè)務(wù)。在企業(yè)的需求行為以及培養(yǎng)社會(huì)責(zé)任方面所 做的努力與調(diào)節(jié)和審查從這些要求,是用來關(guān)注整個(gè)公司在世界的運(yùn)作方式。另一方面, 當(dāng)企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任是追求作為公司在協(xié)助美國(guó)動(dòng)員工作的發(fā)展援助,它可能不關(guān)心整個(gè)公 司,而這似乎是組織形式,在特定的項(xiàng)目,經(jīng)常瞄準(zhǔn)非常遙遠(yuǎn)的地方和部門。再者,作為管理的趨勢(shì), 企業(yè)社會(huì)責(zé)任似乎主要是與演示和連接在公司的合法性建設(shè), 我們可以預(yù)期, 根據(jù)以往的研究大量的結(jié)合發(fā)生。當(dāng)談到跨界別的界限,商業(yè)和關(guān)系公司和公民社會(huì)組織、三大趨勢(shì)似乎也需要之間的 差異。第一個(gè)趨勢(shì),這對(duì)公司的新要求,
15、似乎是建立在和強(qiáng)化相對(duì)傳統(tǒng)的責(zé)任,在社會(huì)領(lǐng) 域美國(guó)提供了游戲的規(guī)則和公司按照這些規(guī)則。美國(guó)與國(guó)際組織的規(guī)則制定者的范圍內(nèi)做 點(diǎn)公益和介質(zhì)的更廣泛的需求導(dǎo)致沖突和緊張的公司應(yīng)該在誰的規(guī)則和誰應(yīng)該監(jiān)督他們。 但這樣的沖突并不獨(dú)特的社會(huì)領(lǐng)域。第二個(gè)趨勢(shì),入口的大公司進(jìn)入交割的援助來發(fā)展國(guó) 家,似乎是駕駛多點(diǎn)的界限,其中公司不僅是期望遵循規(guī)則,并期望和由其他要求,但實(shí) 際上是期望補(bǔ)充和添加到國(guó)家和政府間國(guó)際組織,在那里,他們到達(dá)和力量似乎太有限。 在第三管理,我們看到了一個(gè)趨勢(shì)中發(fā)揮更積極的作用,由運(yùn)營(yíng)商概念、模型、期望和演 講比通常被認(rèn)為是這個(gè)案子。再次,這并非獨(dú)一無二,它還代表被發(fā)現(xiàn)的情況管理與組
16、織 發(fā)展的趨勢(shì)更加普遍。這種現(xiàn)象,然而,重要性闡述了跨部門的發(fā)展模式更進(jìn)一步關(guān)系, 中介機(jī)構(gòu)之間的關(guān)系 ;并規(guī)范和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)企業(yè)家、組織平臺(tái)和管理技術(shù)。Corporate social responsibility: a trend and a movement, but of what and for what?Corporate social responsibility (CSR) has emerged as a global trend involving corporations,states, international organizations and civil society
17、organizations. It is far from clear what CSR stands for,what the trend really is, where it comes from, where it is heading and who the leading actors are. If one views it as a social movement, one must ask: a movement of what and for whom? The discussions help us reflect on the formation ofmanagemen
18、t trends and how certain models come to flow rapidly and extensively around the globe,following and adding to institutional change especially to changes in the roles, relations and boundaries between and among states, business corporations and civil society organizations.The CSR trend in three ways:
19、 as a regulatory framework that places new demands on corporations; as a mobilization of corporate actors to assist state development aid; and as a management trend. Each one of these portraits suggests the centrality of certain actors, relations, driving forces and interests. My examples show that
20、no one of these views seems more accurate than the others; instead the movement comprises a bundle of diverse interests, actors, origins and trajectories. These multiple identities of the trend may partly describe its success as well as its contestation, fragility and fluidity.Many corporations now
21、have specific programs and subsections on their websites dealing with corporate social responsibility. Soft regulations and steering networks In the past, internationally established regulations have been one important mechanism for placing such demands on companies states and interstate organizatio
22、ns have, for example, issued guidelines and regulations for companies. International organizations are still important actors in this context, but they are seeking a dialogue with corporations rather than seeking to control the social responsibility of corporations via states. The international orga
23、nizations are not regulators of corporate social responsibility; rather they are best described as brokers between regulatory and self-regulatory initiatives. The demand for socially responsible operations and the monitoring of these operations has increasingly been channeled through organizations o
24、ther than states, and the emphasis favours a high proportion of self-regulation. Consequently, we have seen the emergence of soft law (Morth, 2004) or what Knill and Lehmkuhl (2002) have called regulatesdelf-regulation 'an'd Moran (2002) has termed subtleor' ' n-foonrmal '' r
25、egulations. I prefer the terms sloafwt ''or sroeftg ulations b'e'cau, se they are not always informal. The soft regulations often include formal reporting and co-ordinating procedures and, from a co-ordination or administrative point of view; the regulations are often far from subtle
26、.the social responsibility measures and regulations evolve in dialogues between corporations and their stakeholders.The UN Global Compact is at the centre of this evolving soft regulatory framework: It is voluntary, has no binding legal sanctions applied to those who fail to comply, and is formulate
27、d in general terms so it provides considerable leeway for those interpreting the regulations to translate them into practice in a way that fits their circumstances and expectations.The initiative is built on a menu of written principles based on international declarations and agreements for members
28、of the Compact to follow. However, the Compact is not in itself a legal framework. Instead of issuing clear sanctions for organizations that do not comply with the principles, the initiative depends upon commitment, credibility and visibility for compliance. The Global Compact gains its credibility
29、from the global reach and moral authority of the UN and from the inclusion of additional actors creating a community around the issued principles. It also gains credibility through its linkages to other regulatory systems. The soft regulations, in other words, are nested in broader regulatory conste
30、llations(Jacobsson and Sahlin-Andersson, 2006), adding to the fact that it remains unclear how binding these regulations are and to what extent they can be expected to lead to compliance or to remain soft.The UN Global Compact has developed through processes of responsive regulation. In the summer o
31、f 2004, the addition of a tenth principle resulted from extensive consultative processes among Compact members. In addition, a great deal of emphasis is placed on the formation of what is termed learni ngetworks 'a'nd policdyia logues 'A' n. umber of meetings is arranged regularly, i
32、n which business leaders, UN agencies, labor associations, governmental representatives, non-governmental organizations, academics, and other groups are brought together to discuss and share their experiences and concerns about specific issues. The Global Compact further encourages the creation of l
33、ocal structures and networks at the country and regional level. Participants from Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden have formed the Global Compact Nordic Network to discuss the implementation of the principles. Major efforts have been extended in order to expand the network by recruiting and activ
34、ating members and by forming partnerships with other transnational organizations. These networks and dialogues aim, as announced on the Global Compact website, at facilitating learning across actors and sectors. Participating companies in the Global Compact are asked to provide examples of how they
35、work to comply with and actively spread the ten principles. The organizers present the Global Compact as a learning network and one ambition behind the reports is to provide examples of best practices for others to follow. Lately, self-reporting has been de-emphasized in favor of academic writings a
36、nd standardized reporting criteria. Cases of best practice are written by academic scholars and posted on the Global Compact website. Reference to science and academics serve as a legitimizing device and a means of balancing dependence that emerges in the networks with values of independence that ar
37、e associated with science and auditing. It seems that there is a vision to form a community among the participants in which each individual actor strives to appear appropriate in relation to other members of the network and to their stakeholders at large, a stance that should drive them to act accor
38、ding to the principles articulated. The mechanism for encouraging people to adhere to the norms is, therefore, to include them in the group, to persuade them that it is critical to have a good name within the group, and to reach a high level of legitimacy for the effort as a whole in fact, a degree
39、of legitimacy that signals to wider audiences that group members are, by definition, socially responsible. Inclusion is both the end and the means of the Compact as emphasized by the very name of this initiative. A logic of appropriateness( March, 1981) is used as a governance strategy: the Compact
40、emphasizes the importance for individual actors to appear appropriate and it is aimed at making visible the norms of appropriateness and compliance or the lack thereof. The development resembles that of a social movement, as it is dependent upon the mobilization of actors. In order for such a networ
41、k to function effectively, the active participation of members is crucial. In contrast to this ideal setup of the Compact, the websites bear witness to a somewhat more relaxed and less active participation by the companies.The active organizing of conferences and networks can be seen as a means for
42、initiators to mobilize members in order to form a more active movement. There are other ways in which the Global Compact reminds us of a social movement or, tou se Moran 's (2002) term, a mode of steering network. As its representatives repeatedly emphasize, ThGelo bal Compact office neither reg
43、ulates nor monitors a company'ssubmissions and initiatives (K'ell', 2003, p. 38).Constellations of mobilizing, policy making, reporting and monitoring bodies are formed into a network. This entire network, rather than individual rules and rule makers form a regulatory framework. The goal
44、 is to hold the network of actors together by common principles, procedures and norms. Those in conflict or those unlikely to adhere to the rules are not punished within the system. Thus the soft regulation presumes the existence of common norms and a will among those joining the network to judge ea
45、ch other relative to these established rules and procedures. Although common interests may not be present at the outset, the hope is that those included in the network come to share common norms. The inclusion mechanism is built on the vision that the larger and more extensive this network, the more
46、 important it will be for corporations, which are dependent on their stakeholders, to join the network and to show others that they comply with its rules. Instead of receiving formal sanctions, those not following principles are merely blamed and shamed.The extended network that is built around the
47、Global Compact includes a large number of initiatives concerned with corporate citizenship, corporate social responsibility and related issues. It comprises a wide set of diverse organizations, including such intergovernmental organizations as the World Bank and the OECD, business associations (e.g.
48、 International Chamber of Commerce and World Business Council for Sustainable Development), labor organizations (e.g. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions), academic institutions, and civil society organizations (e.g. Amnesty International). Furthermore, the initiatives leave discipl
49、ine in the hands of independent observers academics, NGOs, and independent media that watch and scrutinize the actions taken and point the finger of blame at those who step out of line. By encouraging civil society organizations to scrutinize the social responsibility of business corporations, the G
50、lobal Compact forms a governance framework without necessarily applying a legal framework. In the guidelines for members, posted on the Global Compact web site, Corpwatch and other civil society organizations known to more critically scrutinize corporations and globalization are referred to as activ
51、e scrutinizers of the operations of the Global Compact and its members a sign of the active scrutiny that is being performed. By associating with these more critical actors, the initiative is further legitimized. These organizations are expected to play an important role as critical monitors and scr
52、utinizers of corporate actors and of corporations c'om pliance with the established principles. An alternative and a complement to the activities of independent observers and an integral part of the regulatory and governance framework is the establishment of monitoring systems, characterized by
53、independence. Such a systematic accounting of these aspects of business, the Global Report Initiative (GRI), is under development. GRI describes itself on its website as a multi-stakeholder process and independent institution whose mission is to develop and disseminate globally applicable Sustainabi
54、lity Reporting Guidelines 'T'his. multi-stakeholder process is hosted by a permanent, independent organization which has had global headquarters in Amsterdam, Netherlands since 1997. The GRI seeks to develop a reporting system comparable to the international accounting standards board and to
55、 achieve a level of reporting of economic, environmental and social sustainability that would be as routine as financial reporting. A framework agreement between the Global Compact and the GRI was established in March 2003, wherein the Global Compact agreed to encourage companies to use GRI guidelin
56、es and reporting indicators that matched existing Global Compact principles. Extended networks of reporting, standardizing, rule setting and the monitoring of organizations have been connected to the Global Compact. For example, the GRI and the Global Compact have announced their links with social a
57、nd environmental standards.SA 8000 and ISO 14000. The regulatory and governance modes and domains develop incrementally with the enrollment of new actors; with the interplay among actors; and with the interplay among related regulatory, governing and criticizing efforts. Regulations and governance a
58、re characterized by reciprocity and co-regulation.CSR as a regulatory framework: impacts on organizations and cross-sector relations I have described the CSR trend as evolving from the protests and concerns of civil society organizations. Corporations have launched programs, applied standards and ta
59、ken an active part in developing such standards in response to new demands and new forms of monitoring. It is a regulatory framework. Corporations appear both as main targets and as main driving actors of the trend. Other organizations are mobilized more or less as actors in the environment of the corporations. States and intergovernmental organizations act as channels to place demands on corporations, demands which have also been expressed by civil society organizations. The organized efforts of states and international organizations have put legitimacy and strength behi
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