雅思閱讀長難句式3

1、31. If you plot the amount of the time a juvenile devotes to play each day over the course of its development, you discover a pattern typically associated with a “sensitive period ” a brief development window during which the brain can actually be modified in ways that are not possible earlier or la

2、ter in life. 如果你在小動物的發(fā)育過程中每天安排一段時間讓它玩， 你會發(fā)現(xiàn)一個典型的與一段 “敏感時期” 有關(guān)系的模式一個短暫的發(fā)育期， 在此期間， 大腦實際上是可以改 變的，而這種改變在此之前或者之后都是不可能的。32. An important principle is that all corpora, whatever their size, are inevitably limited in their Coverage, and always need to be supplemented by data derived from the intuitions of n

3、ative speakers of the language, through either introspection or experimentation. 一個重要的原則是：所有的語料庫，無論大小，其覆蓋范圍必然都是有限的，總是需 要補充一些資料， 這些資料來自土生土長說這種語言的人的直覺， 獲取途徑要么銅鼓 這些內(nèi)省，要么通過實驗。33. Anthropologists also use the term “culture ”in a more restricted sense when they refer to the “culture ”of a particular socie

4、ty, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies.人類學家也會從狹義上使用 “文化” 這個詞來指某個特定社會的“文化” ，指的是這個 社會區(qū)別于其他社會的、獨特的非生物特征。34. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary commun

5、ities ,archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, the tools, and other artifacts that constitute what is known as the material cultural left over from former societies.文化人類學家通常把他們的結(jié)論建立在當代社區(qū)的生活體驗上，而考古學家則主要通 過殘存的物質(zhì)研究過去的社會房屋， 工具和其他人工制品， 它們構(gòu)成了我們所知 的過去社會遺留

6、的物質(zhì)文明。35. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed “ethnoarchaeology ” ,where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culturehoe they make their toolsand weapons , why they build their settlements

7、 where they do ,and so on. 最近幾十年，考古學家發(fā)展了“種族文化考古學” ，他們像民族志研究者一樣住在當 代社區(qū)里， 但他們有一個明確的目的， 那就是了解這些社會如何使用物質(zhì)文明他 們?nèi)绾沃圃旃ぞ吆臀淦鳎瑸槭裁丛诂F(xiàn)在的地點建造村落等等。36. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line

8、 that recognizes the importance of the written word , but in no way lessens the importance of theusefulinformation contained in oral histories.對研究所有文明和時期的考古學家來說， 無論有沒有文字記錄， 歷史和史前史的區(qū)別 都是一條便利的分界線， 它承認書面文字的重要性， 但一點也不降低口述歷史中包含 的有用信息的重要性。37. In this respect ,the practice of the archaeologist is rather li

9、ke that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarize the pattern observed in the data.從這個方面講，考古學家所做的工作很像科學家的工作，他們搜集資料、進行實驗、提出假設、 用更多的資料來檢驗假設， 最后得出一個似乎最

10、能從資料中觀察到的模式 的模型。38. What is new is that, from the 1950s onwards, there have been certain general changes in outlook about the finitude of resources as a whole and of health-care resources in particular, as well as more specific changes regarding the clientele of health-care resources and the cost to

11、 the community of those resources.新鮮之處在于，從 20 世紀 50 年代起，關(guān)于保健資源的享用者和這些資源的社會成本， 人們的看法不僅發(fā)生了一些具體的改變， 同時， 對總體資源的有限性、 尤其是保健資 源的有限性，人們的看法也發(fā)生了某些普遍的變化。39. Looking back , it now seems quite incredible that in the national health systems that emerged in many countries in the years immediately after the 1939-19

12、45 World War, it was assumed without question that all the basic health needs of any community could be satisfied, at least in principle; the “invisible hand ”of economic progress would provide. 回顧過去，現(xiàn)在想想似乎更不可思議，在 1935-1945 年世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束不久出現(xiàn)，在很 多國家的國家保健系統(tǒng)里， 人們毫不懷疑的認為， 任何社會所有基本保健需要都能得 到滿足，至少從理論上來說是這樣的，經(jīng)濟發(fā)展

13、的“無形之手”會提供這個條件。40. At exactly the same time as this new realization of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life.幾乎就在

14、保健資源是有限的這個新認識剛剛被理解的同時， 一種相反的觀點也在西方社 會逐漸形成：保健室人們的基本權(quán)利，是人類正常生活的一個必要條件。41. The second set of more specific changes that have led to the present concern about the distribution of health-care resources stems from the dramatic rise in health costs in most OECD countries, accompanied by large-scale demogra

15、phic and social changes which have meant, to take one example, that elderly people are now major( and relatively very expensive)consumers of health-care resources.導致人們?nèi)缃耜P(guān)注保健資源分配問題的第二組更加具體的變化是因為經(jīng)濟合作與發(fā)展組 織的大多數(shù)成員國健康消費的急劇上升造成的，此外還有大規(guī)模的人口和社會變化， 這些變化意味著， 舉例說，老年人是現(xiàn)在保健資源的主要 (而且相對而言非常昂貴的) 消費者。42. And finally

16、, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialization and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. 最后，被夸大其詞的或者轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的環(huán)境污染的大多數(shù)形式都與工業(yè)化的初期有關(guān)， 因此最好的解決方法不是限制而是促進經(jīng)濟增長。43.

17、Yet opinion polls suggests that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality.然而， 民意測驗表明， 許多人相信環(huán)境質(zhì)量正在下降， 有四個因素導致感覺與現(xiàn)實之 間這種的偏差。44. Even if Americas trash output continues to rise sa it has done

18、in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the aera of the entire UnitedStates.即使美國和以前一樣持續(xù)增加垃圾的輸出量，即使美國人口在 2100 年翻一番，美國在 整個 21 世紀所生產(chǎn)的垃圾也只會占整個美國領(lǐng)土面積的 12000 分之一。45. A modern hard-core sociologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to ou