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1、 英文文獻(xiàn)資料(二)how do industry clusters success: a case study in chinas textiles and apparel industries zhiming zhang, chester , & ning cao (institute of textiles and clothing,the hong kong polytechnic university)3. industry clusters of textiles and apparel in china industrial clustering is a new phe
2、nomenon in china. only a few research started to pay attention to it in the 1990s. wang (2001) described the development of some clusters in the coastal regions of china, and discussed their characteristics, including their localized network. he particularly examined the impact of accidental factor
3、on the formation of clusters, and pointed out that the strength of the impact depended on the congruence of the sector choice, brought about by the accidental factor, with the natural advantages of the region and the rightness of the policy decision of the local government. thus, the importance of g
4、overnment was emphasized. the first tier of the clusters existed in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when china was first open to the outside world. taking the advantages of proximity and low labor cost, many hong kong textile and apparel companies invested in pearl river delta, and there appeared a
5、few clusters of textile and apparel firms. these clusters grew fast, as new investments also came from taiwan and other places, and many local entrepreneurs emerged as well. these clusters include shenzhen (though later much diluted as it is now one of the largest cities in china), dongguan (similar
6、 to shenzhen but to a less degree), humen, shaxi, and others. closely following this, the economy in yangtze river delta developed fast and became very dynamic. many enterprises of collective ownership and of private ownership established and grew very fast. many of them were textile and apparel fir
7、ms. it was typical that these firms clustered together. several reasons account for their fast growth: first, the entry barrier to the textile and apparel industry was very low in terms of capital and technology. for example, at the beginning, only one manually operated device to knit socks or just
8、a few sewing machines were needed. at the same time, there was almost endless supply of cheap labor, who were farmers eager to leave the land. as the enterprises expanded, some shrewd entrepreneurs lured technicians and skilled labors who were retired from state-owned enterprises to work for them. t
9、hese firms were most located in towns. the government granted very flexible policies for the growth and operation of these firms. they were much less restricted by the clumsy rules and regulations than the state-owned enterprises, for example, they did not have to offer the so called iron-bowl to th
10、eir employees, and they had no burden of payments to retired employees. on the other hand, these firms were very sensitive and responsive to market changes. thus, they were very competitive. second, at that time china was just about to come out of the planned economy when there was insufficient supp
11、ly of almost everything. thus, there was never a lack of strong demand for such consumer goods as textiles and apparel. along with this, little marketing and marketing skills were needed to sell the products. third, as these firms were started by farmer-entrepreneurs in towns and even villages, they
12、 set examples and became models to others. many times the latter just followed the footprints of the pioneers, starting with the same methods, making the same products, and selling in the same market. as villagers often belong to the same family, they did not view each other as competitors, and help
13、ed each other in terms of capital, technique, and even customers through the strong sense of kinship. these firms were the seeds of the industrial clusters of textiles and apparel. now most of the clusters still distributed in the two areas: pearl river delta and yangtze river delta. the former is g
14、uangdong province, and the latter zhejiang province and southern part of jiangsu province. these happen to be the most advanced regions in china, in coastal area, with the best infrastructure in information, communication, and transportation. as a matter of fact, most of the clusters are located eit
15、her beside a highway or very close to a port. they are also very close to major cities, particularly hong kong, guangzhou, and shanghai. at present the structural development of the textile and apparel industry of china is characterized in two directions: one is a group of large companies based in l
16、arge cities with capacity in marketing and product development, often operating supply chain regionally even globally; the other is a number of clusters of many small and medium sized firms based in small cities and towns, with featured products and vigorous growth (cntic, 2003). thus, industrial cl
17、ustering has become one of the two wings of the development of the textile and apparel industry in china. this demonstrates the importance of the clusters. 4. case observation we conducted an industry survey in one industrial cluster, which is a town, called shengze, located in wujiang county of jia
18、ngsu province in eastern china. while shengze had an early history of silk production, it was primarily of agriculture before the late 1970s when china started economic reforms. at that time, the size of the town was about 4 square kilometers with a population of 30,000. since then, the town has see
19、n enormous growth and become one of the 19 towns with special features designated by cntic, and one of the most important textile clusters in china. the focus of shengze is fabric manufacturing, primarily light weighted fabrics for lining of apparel. now the size of the town has expanded to 25 squar
20、e kilo meters with a population of nearly 200,000, most of them migrants from other parts of the country. there are about 1,100 factories, operating about 50,000 looms, all of which are of water-jet or air-jet. it is said to be one of the largest concentration of such looms. the total yearly output
21、is about rmb20 billion (us$2.5 billion). there are about 4,000 selling and buying offices located in the town. the business district of the town is full of such offices, which would impress any visitors to the town. and there is no sign of stopping of the fast growth. this is a qualitative and explo
22、ratory study, and in-depth interviews with town officials and entrepreneurs were used to collect information about the industrial cluster. altogether 3 town officials (vice party secretary of the town, director of the town government office, and director of the town development office) and 8 entrepr
23、eneurs were interviewed by structured means. during the interviews, in addition to the current situation of the cluster, the history of development was also investigated. emphases were paid to the following questions: how is the cluster formed; to what degree does township government play a role, an
24、d to what degree do market forces promote the clustering; what is the advantages of clustering to the locality and to the enterprises; what are the interactive relationship among the enterprises within the cluster; what is the relationship between the cluster and the external market system; how does
25、 the cluster attract the servicing industries; and how does the clustering help the creation of new enterprises and new jobs. these questions have profound policy and marketing implications. some of the findings to these questions are presented in this paper, with a focus on the origin and growth of
26、 the cluster.4.1. historical factors in accordance with the literature (krugman, 1986), the development of shengze into a light-fabric cluster was accidental, but on he other hand quite natural with a historical reason. located in southern china with warm climate, fertile land and abundant water fro
27、m nearby rivers and lakes, shengze had been one of the silk centers in china for hundreds of years. historically, residents of shengze were skillful in silk production, and many workshops and silk-related businesses were located in shengze. merchants from all over the country would flock to shengze
28、for silk. thus, it could be regarded as a silk cluster even then. however, as planned economy was established and no private business was allowed to exist, the silk center was reduced to nothing and shengze was no more than an ordinary agricultural town in china. this was for about 3 decades until t
29、he late 1970s. by then, economic reforms began, and town residents were allowed to start their own businesses. for a few of them, the natural choice was to enter the silk business, since this was something they were relatively familiar with and the local conditions were suitable for. this was the or
30、igin of the cluster. 4.2. the role of the local authority while the origin seemed to be natural and out of the plan of the local government, the government did play an important role in helping the cluster grow. both government officials and entrepreneurs emphasized the importance of two measures ta
31、ken by the local authority.the first one was the establishment of a market in its physical form. the shengze government was sensitive to realize that the lack of a market had become the constraint on the development of the economic activities and a physical market was in demand. the government then
32、financed and developed “the oriental silk market”, which was like a mart and leased to various trading firms. this provided a platform, and tremendously stimulated the growth of businesses both in demand and supply. later when this was no longer sufficient to hold all of the buying and selling offic
33、es, a new district was developed, which eventually expanded into an area which holds thousands of selling and buying offices. the other was the establishment of an industrial park, which is beside the provincial highway. the government provided the infrastructure in terms of road, water, electricity
34、, and other basic conditions. this has created a good environment for manufacturing. while at the beginning, shengze was only focused on silk production, very soon the enterprises broke the limits. as there was some similarity in technology between silk fabric and lightweight fabric, many of the fir
35、ms expanded into the production of man-made fiber fabrics. now even though shengze is still known as a silk center, most of its looms are engaged in weaving of lightweight fabrics. 4.3. the role of individual entrepreneurs during our interviews, we were very impressed with those entrepreneurs of she
36、ngze. many of them are local residents and previously were farmers. they demonstrated enormous spirit of risk taking, creativity, and willingness to learn from the market. one young entrepreneur started as a security guard, borrowed a little money to enter the business, then set up a small factory o
37、f his own. now this has been expanded into a company, and just the weaving branch of it has capacity of 220 water-jet looms and 120 air-jet looms. he also exhibited outstanding leadership in organizing the local entrepreneurs to negotiate with toyota of japan. they collectively made the largest orde
38、r ever in the world, 3,600 air-jet looms. in the process of his business expansion, he has helped numerous others to start their own business by loaning capital, sharing technology and market. these entrepreneurs help the development of shengze as a cluster.4.4. the development of the peripheral ind
39、ustries shengze started with silk production. this was expanded into domestic trade of silk. very soon light-weight fabric manufacturing began to develop. this further promoted the growth of trading. by then there seemed to be two wings of the town, one was enterprises of fabric manufacturing primar
40、ily clustered in the industrial park, one was the selling and buying offices of fabrics primarily clustered in the business district. as large amount of materials are needed, many yarn suppliers are attracted to come and set selling offices in shengze. one of our interviewees was the owner of a trad
41、ing company, headquartered in hong kong. the company imports man-made fibers from abroad, and sells these fibers to fabric weavers through its selling office here. textile machine companies, both domestic and foreign, also set up offices in shengze to sell machines and machine parts, and to provide
42、services to the fabric manufacturers. it is said that none of the plants would keep any spare parts. if a belt is broken, even at midnight, a new one can be ordered and delivered in less than 20 minutes. these have significantly lowered the production costs, and are part of the external economies of
43、 the industrial clusters. as shengze has become a fabric center, showrooms and selling offices of other fabrics, such as denim, are also set up in shengze.4.5. workforce supply as the cluster grows and enterprises mushroom, large labor supply is needed. in his process the former agriculture town was
44、 totally transformed. most of the land was turned into industrial uses, and all farmers are now employed in manufacturing. as the population of shengze enlarges several folds (from about 30,000 to 200,000) in the last two decades, many migrants are attracted to live and work here. most of the people
45、 were peasants and come from other provinces. while the neighboring anhui province, which is relatively backward in economic development, provides a large portion of the labor supply, many workers come from remote provinces. they have formed nearly endless supply of cheap labor, and made great contr
46、ibution to the development of the cluster. a large proportion of the labor supply is uneducated and unskilled. as there are many operational jobs, the raw labor could be trained in a short period time and then be able to work. thus, the cluster in return also makes direct contribution to employment
47、and indirect contribution to economic development of the less advanced regions of the country. however, there is a shortage of skilled labor. compared to other places, labor compensation is better, as an operator can make about rmb1,500 (about us$180) per month. in other places, the prevalent wage r
48、ate is about rmb1,000 per month.5. conclusive remarks in this paper, the development of industrial clustering of textiles and apparel in china is investigated. as a result of economic reforms and development, some characteristics of the textile and apparel industrial clusters are described. one part
49、icular cluster, shengze which is famous for its silk and light-weight fabric, is used as a case to exemplify the growth of clusters. the empirical factors taken into account the cluster performance include the historical and natural origin, the role of the local government, the role of entrepreneurs
50、, the development of supporting industries, and the supply of labor. during the past two decades in the process of development, the cluster not only grows in terms of quantity (number and scale of enterprises) but also in terms of quality (equipment, products, variety, marketing, and management). in
51、 the early when shengze started to take off, factories used outdated facilities and equipment. many of the machines used were those retired from state-owned plants. over the years, as the enterprises grow, these machines have been gradually replaced by advanced ones. now about 50,000 water-jet and a
52、ir-jet looms are operating in shengze, many of them are imported from abroad and are the most advanced models. many of the companies in shengze export fabrics to the international market. not only do they receive order from abroad, some of them have set up offices in north america and europe. they m
53、arket their products initiatively, and obtain the most updated information on marketing and products. while most of the companies started as a family business, now many of them are managed professionally by university graduates with mba and phd. many companies have well-established systems and met w
54、ith international compliance standards and requirements, like iso9000 certificates. thus, many of the enterprises have changed from the old-fashioned township companies into modern corporation-type companies. it can be anticipated that these clusters will continue to contribute to the growth of the
55、economy and industrial development of the country.英文文獻(xiàn)中文翻譯(二)來源:紡織與服裝,技術(shù)與管理雜志 (jtatm)vol.4 第2期 2004年作者:張志明 切斯特 曹寧出版時(shí)間:2004年8月產(chǎn)業(yè)集群是如何成功:中國紡織和服裝工業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)集群成功的案例研究 (港) 張志明 切斯特 曹寧 3.在中國紡織品和服裝產(chǎn)業(yè)集群 產(chǎn)業(yè)集群在中國是一個(gè)新現(xiàn)象。在20世紀(jì)90年代,只有少數(shù)研究開始關(guān)注產(chǎn)業(yè)集群這一現(xiàn)象。王緝慈(2001年)描述了中國沿海地區(qū)的一些集群的發(fā)展,并討論了各自的特點(diǎn),包括他們的本地化網(wǎng)絡(luò)。他特別研究了偶然因素對集群形成的影響,并指
56、出影響的強(qiáng)度取決于偶然因素導(dǎo)致的產(chǎn)業(yè)選擇的一致性,以及該地區(qū)的天然優(yōu)勢,和當(dāng)?shù)卣兄行У恼?。因此,政府的重要性得到了?qiáng)調(diào)。 第一波產(chǎn)業(yè)集群起源于中國第一次對外開放的20世紀(jì)70年代末和80年代初。憑借者鄰近港口和低廉的勞動力成本優(yōu)勢,許多香港紡織及服裝公司在珠江三角洲的投資,并出現(xiàn)幾個(gè)集群的紡織服裝公司。這些集群快速增長,吸引了臺灣的資本家,許多當(dāng)?shù)仄髽I(yè)家也出現(xiàn)了。這些集群包括深圳(它是目前中國最大的城市之一),東莞(類似深圳,但程度較低),虎門、沙溪等。值得關(guān)注的是,長江三角洲的經(jīng)濟(jì)快速發(fā)展,活力四射。許多集體和私人所有企業(yè)逐漸建立,增長迅速。很多都是紡織和服裝公司,它們的聚集成為一種
57、典型。以下是集群企業(yè)快速增長的原因:首先,在資金和技術(shù)方面,紡織和服裝行業(yè)的進(jìn)入壁壘非常低。例如,在開始時(shí),只需要一個(gè)手動操作裝置來針織襪或幾臺縫紉機(jī)。與此同時(shí),急于離開土地的農(nóng)民為紡織行業(yè)的發(fā)展提供了源源不斷的廉價(jià)勞動力。隨著企業(yè)的擴(kuò)大,一些精明的企業(yè)家雇用從國企退休的技術(shù)人員和熟練勞動力。這些企業(yè)大部分位于城鎮(zhèn)。政府對這些企業(yè)的發(fā)展和運(yùn)作采取非常靈活的政策。他們比國有企業(yè)少受笨拙規(guī)則和法規(guī)的限制,例如,他們并不需要和國企一樣必須給自己的員工提供所謂的鐵碗,他們沒有支付離退休職工的負(fù)擔(dān)。另一方面,這些企業(yè)對市場的變化非常敏感。因此,顯得非常有競爭力。其次,當(dāng)時(shí)中國處于計(jì)劃經(jīng)濟(jì)時(shí)代,幾乎所有的
58、供應(yīng)都不足。因此,紡織品和服裝等消費(fèi)品的需求強(qiáng)勁。同時(shí),配合一定的營銷手段和營銷技巧來銷售產(chǎn)品。第三,因?yàn)檫@些企業(yè)都是城鎮(zhèn)甚至鄉(xiāng)村的農(nóng)民企業(yè)家建立起來的,他們以身作則,成為了他人學(xué)習(xí)的榜樣。后來的企業(yè)家紛紛開始效仿,用相同的方法,同樣的產(chǎn)品,在同一市場上出售。由于村民往往來自同一個(gè)家庭,因而他們并沒有把對方作為競爭對手,并在資金,技術(shù)方面幫助對方,甚至可以通過強(qiáng)烈的人脈關(guān)系為對方擴(kuò)大客源。 這些企業(yè)是紡織服裝產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的根源?,F(xiàn)在大部分的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群主要分布在這兩個(gè)地區(qū):珠江三角洲和長江三角洲。前者是廣東省,后者是浙江省和江蘇省的南部地區(qū)。這些發(fā)生在中國最先進(jìn)的地區(qū)在沿海,具具備完善的信息,通信和運(yùn)
59、輸?shù)确矫娴幕A(chǔ)設(shè)施。事實(shí)上,大多數(shù)集群位于公路旁或非??拷劭?。同時(shí),這些集群也很接近主要城市,特別是香港,廣州和上海。目前,中國紡織和服裝行業(yè)的結(jié)構(gòu)發(fā)展特點(diǎn)表現(xiàn)為兩個(gè)方向:一個(gè)是基于大城市的大型企業(yè)集團(tuán),具有營銷和產(chǎn)品開發(fā)能力,往往能提供經(jīng)營區(qū)域,甚至全球的供應(yīng)鏈;另一種是許多基于小城鎮(zhèn)的中小型企業(yè)集群,具有特色產(chǎn)品并發(fā)展迅速。(中國技術(shù)進(jìn)出口總公司,2003年)。因此,產(chǎn)業(yè)集群現(xiàn)已成為在中國的紡織和服裝行業(yè)發(fā)展的兩翼之一。 4.案例分析 我們對位于中國東部的江蘇省吳江縣的小鎮(zhèn)盛澤進(jìn)行了產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的行業(yè)調(diào)查。盛澤的絲綢生產(chǎn)的歷史悠久,其農(nóng)業(yè)興起于中國開始經(jīng)濟(jì)改革的20世紀(jì)70年代末。當(dāng)時(shí)的盛澤只是一個(gè)占地約4平方公里,人口30000的小鎮(zhèn)。自那以后,盛澤鎮(zhèn)突飛猛進(jìn),發(fā)展迅速,一躍成為由中國技術(shù)進(jìn)出口總公司指定
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