英語演講篇、文章,Theodore Roosevelt Th

1、Theodore ("Teddy" Roosevelt: "The Man with the Muck-rake" delivered 14 April 1906Over a century ago Washington laid the corner-stone of the Capitol in what was then little more than a tract of wooded wilderness here beside the Potomac. We now find it necessary to provide great ad

2、ditional buildings for the business of the government. This growth in the need for the housing of the government is but a proof and example of the way in which the nation has grown and the sphere of action of the National Government has grown. We nowadminister the affairs of a nation in which the ex

3、traordinary growth of population has been outstripped by the growth of wealth and the growth in complex interests.The material problems that face us to-day are not such as they were in Washingtons time, but the underlying facts of human nature are the same now as they were then. Under altered extern

4、al form we war with the same tendencies toward evil that were evident in Washingtons time, and are helped by the same tendencies for good.It is about some of these that I wish to say a word to-day. In Bunyans “Pilgrims Progress” you may recall the description of the Man with the Muck-rake, the man w

5、ho could look no way but downward, with the muck-rake in his hand; who was offered a celestial crown for hismuck-rake, but who would neither look up nor regard the crown he was offered, but continued to rake to himself the filth of the floor.In “Pilgrims Progress” the Man with the Muck-rake is set f

6、orth as the example of him whose vision is fixed on carnal instead of on spiritual things. Yet he also typifies the man who in this life consistently refuses to see aught that is lofty, and fixes his eyes with solemn intentness only on that which is vile and debasing. Now, it is very necessary that

7、we should not flinch from seeing what is vile and debasing. There is filth on the floor and it must be scraped up with themuck-rake; and there are times and places where this service is the most needed of all the services that can be performed. But the man who never does anything else, who never thi

8、nks or speaks or writes, save of his feats with the muck-rake, speedily becomes, not a help to society, not an incitement to good, but one of the most potent forces for evil.There are, in the body politic, economic and social, many and grave evils, and there is urgent necessity for the sternest war

9、upon them. There should be relentless exposure of and attack upon every evil man whether politician or business man, every evil practice, whether in politics, in business, or in social life. I hail as a benefactor every writer or speaker, every man who, on the platform, or in book, magazine, or news

10、paper, with merciless severity makes such attack, provided always that he in his turn remembers that the attack is of use only if it is absolutely truthful. The liar is no whit better than the thief, and if his mendacity takes the form of slander, he may be worse than most thieves. It puts a premium

11、 upon knavery untruthfully to attack an honest man, or even with hysterical exaggeration to assail a bad man with untruth. Anepidemic of indiscriminate assault upon character does not good, but very great harm. The soul of every scoundrel is gladdened whenever an honest man is assailed, or even when

12、 a scoundrel is untruthfully assailed.Now, it is easy to twist out of shape what I have just said, easy to affect to misunderstand it, and, if it is slurred over in repetition, not difficult really to misunderstand it. Some persons are sincerely incapable of understanding that to denounce mud-slingi

13、ng does not mean the endorsement of whitewashing; and both the interested individuals who need whitewashing, and those others who practice mud-slinging, like to encourage such confusion of ideas. One of the chief counts against those who make indiscriminate assault upon men in business or men in pub

14、lic life, is that they invite a reaction which is sure to tell powerfully in favor of theunscrupulous scoundrel who really ought to be attacked, who ought to be exposed, who ought, if possible, to be put in the penitentiary. If Aristides is praised overmuch as just, people get tired of hearing it; a

15、nd overcensure of the unjust finally and from similar reasons results in their favor.Any excess is almost sure to invite a reaction; and, unfortunately, the reaction, instead oftaking the form of punishment of those guilty of the excess, is very apt to take the form either of punishment of the unoff

16、ending or of giving immunity, and even strength, to offenders. The effort to make financial or political profit out of the destruction of character can only result in public calamity. Gross and reckless assaults on character, whether on the stump or innewspaper, magazine, or book, create a morbid an

17、d vicious public sentiment, and at the same time act as a profound deterrent to able men of normal sensitiveness and tend to prevent them from entering the public service at any price.As an instance in point, I may mention that one serious difficulty encountered in getting the right type of men to d

18、ig the Panama Canal is the certainty that they will be exposed, both without, and, I am sorry to say, sometimes within, Congress, to utterly reckless assaults on their character and capacity.At the risk of repetition let me say again that my plea is, not for immunity to but for the most unsparing ex

19、posure of the politician who betrays his trust, of the big business man who makes or spends his fortune in illegitimate or corrupt ways. There should be a resolute effort to hunt every such man out of the position he has disgraced. Expose the crime, and hunt down the criminal; but remember that even

20、 in the case of crime, if it is attacked in sensational, lurid, and untruthful fashion, the attack may do more damage to the public mind than the crime itself. It is because I feel that there should be no rest in the endless war against the forces of evil that I ask that the war be conducted with sa

21、nity as well as with resolution. The men with the muck-rakes are often indispensable to the well-being of society; but only if they know when to stop raking the muck, and to look upward to the celestial crown above them, to the crown of worthy endeavor.There are beautiful things above and roundabout

22、 them; and if they gradually grow to feel that the whole world is nothing but muck, their power of usefulness is gone. If the whole picture is painted black there remains no hue whereby to single out the rascals for distinction from their fellows. Such painting finally induces a kind of moral color-

23、blindness; and people affected by it come to the conclusion that no man is really black, and no man is really white, but they are all gray. In other words, they neither believe in the truth of the attack, nor in the honesty of the man who is attacked; they grow as suspicious of the accusation as of

24、the offense; it becomes well-nigh hopeless to stir them either to wrath against wrong-doing or to enthusiasm for what is right; and such a mental attitude in the public gives hope to every knave, and is the despair of honest men.To assail the great and admitted evils of our political and industrial

25、life with such crude and sweeping generalizations as to include decent men in the general condemnation means the searing of the public conscience. There results a general attitude either of cynical belief in and indifference to public corruption or else of a distrustful inability to discriminate bet

26、ween the good and the bad. Either attitude is fraught with untold damage to the country as a whole. The fool who has not sense to discriminate between what is good and what is bad is well-nigh as dangerous as the man who does discriminate and yet chooses the bad. There is nothing moredistressing to

27、every good patriot, to every good American, than the hard, scoffing spirit which treats the allegation of dishonesty in a public man as a cause for laughter.Such laughter is worse than the crackling of thorns under a pot, for it denotes not merely the vacant mind, but the heart in which high emotion

28、s have been choked before they could grow to fruition.There is any amount of good in the world, and there never was a time when loftier and more disinterested work for the betterment of mankind was being done than now. The forces that tend for evil are great and terrible, but the forces of truth and

29、 love and courage and honesty and generosity and sympathy are also stronger than ever before. It is a foolish and timid, no less than a wicked, thing to blink the fact that the forces of evil are strong, but it is even worse to fail to take into account the strength of the forces that tell for good.

30、Hysterical sensationalism is the very poorest weapon wherewith to fight for lastingrighteousness. The men who with stern sobriety and truth assail the many evils of our time, whether in the public press or in magazines, or in books, are the leaders and allies of allengaged in the work for social and

31、 political betterment. But if they give good reason for distrust of what they say, if they chill the ardor of those who demand truth as a primary virtue, they thereby betray the good cause, and play into the hands of the very men against whom they are nominally at war.In his “Ecclesiastical Polity”

32、that fine old Elizabethan divine, Bishop Hooker, wrote: “He that goeth about to persuade a multitude that they are not so well governed as they ought to be, shall never want attentive and favorable hearers; because they know the manifold defects whereunto every kind of regimen is subject, but the se

33、cret lets and difficulties, which in public proceedings are innumerable and inevitable, they have not ordinarily the judgment to consider.”This truth should be kept constantly in mind by every free people desiring to preserve thesanity and poise indispensable to the permanent success of self-governm

34、ent. Yet, on the other hand, it is vital not to permit this spirit to sanity and self-command to degenerate into mere mental stagnation. Bad though a state of hysterical excitement is, and evil though the results are which come from the violent oscillations such excitement invariably produces, yet a

35、 sodden acquiescence in evil is even worse.At this moment we are passing through a period of great unrestsocial, political, and industrial unrest. It is of the utmost importance for our future that this should prove to be not the unrest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere dissatisfaction wi

36、th the inevitable inequality of conditions, but the unrest of a resolute and eager ambition to secure the betterment of the individual and the nation. So far as this movement of agitation throughout the country takes the form of a fierce discontent with evil, of a determination to punish the authors

37、 of evil, whether in industry or politics, the feeling is to be heartily welcomed as a sign of healthy life.If, on the other hand, it turns into a mere crusade of appetite against appetite, of a contest between the brutal greed of the “have-nots” and the brutal greed of the “haves,” then it has no s

38、ignificance for good, but only for evil. If it seeks to establish a line of cleavage, not along the line which divides good men from bad, but along that other line, running at right angles thereto, which divides those who are well off from those who are less well off, then it will be fraught with im

39、measurable harm to the body politic.We can no more and no less afford to condone evil in the man of capital than evil in the man of no capital. The wealthy man who exults because there is a failure of justice in the effort to bring some trust magnate to an account for his misdeeds is as bad as, and

40、no worse than, theso-called labor leader who clamorously strives to excite a foul class feeling on behalf of some other labor leader who is implicated in murder. One attitude is as bad as the other, and no worse; in each case the accused is entitled to exact justice; and in neither case is there nee

41、d of action by others which can be construed into an expression of sympathy for crime.It is a prime necessity that if the present unrest is to result in permanent good the emotion shall be translated into action, and that the action shall be marked by honesty, sanity, andself-restraint. There is mig

42、hty little good in a mere spasm of reform. The reform that counts is that which comes through steady, continuous growth; violent emotionalism leads toexhaustion.It is important to this people to grapple with the problems connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use of those fortunes

43、, both corporate and individual, in business. We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes well-won and fortunes ill-won; between those gained as an incident to performing great services to the community as a whole, and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within the limits of

44、 mere law-honesty. Of course no amount of charity in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal conviction, and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the adoption o

45、f some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on all fortunes, beyond a certain amount either given in life or devised or bequeathed upon death to any individuala tax so framed as to put it out of the power of the owner of one of these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount to any

46、 one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by the National and not the State Government.Such taxation should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen beyond all healthy limits. Again, the National Government must in some form

47、exercise supervision over corporations engaged in interstatebusinessand all large corporations are engaged in interstate businesswhether by license or otherwise, so as to permit us to deal with the far-reaching evils of overcapitalization.This year we are making a beginning in the direction of serio

48、us effort to settle some of these economic problems by the railway-rate legislation. Such legislation, if so framed, as I am sure it will be, as to secure definite and tangible results, will amount to something of itself; and it willamount to a great deal more in so far as it is taken as a first ste

49、p in the direction of a policy of superintendence and control over corporate wealth engaged in interstate commerce, this superintendence and control not to be exercised in a spirit of malevolence toward the men who have created the wealth, but with the firm purpose both to do justice to them and to

50、see that they in their turn do justice to the public at large. The first requisite in the public servants who are to deal in this shape with corporations, whether as legislators or as executives, is honesty. This honesty can be no respecter of persons. There can be no such thing as unilateral honest

51、y. The danger is not really from corrupt corporations; it springs from the corruption itself, whether exercised for or against corporations. The eighth commandment reads: “Thou shalt not steal.” It does not read: “Thou shalt not steal from the rich man.” It does not read: “Thou shalt not steal from

52、the poor man.” It reads simply and plainly: “Thou shalt not steal.” No good whatever will come from that warped and mock morality which denounces the misdeeds of men of wealth and forgets the misdeeds practiced at their expense; which denounces bribery, but blinds itself to blackmail; which foams wi

53、th rage if a corporation secures favors by improper methods, and merely leers with hideous mirth if the corporation is itself wronged. The only public servant who can be trusted honestly to protect the rights of the public against the misdeeds of a corporation is that public man who will just as sur

54、ely protect the corporation itself from wrongful aggression. If a public man is willing to yield to popular clamor and do wrong to the men of wealth or to rich corporations, it may be set down as certain that if the opportunity comes he will secretly and furtively do wrong to the public in the inter

55、est of a corporation. But, in addition to honesty, we need sanity. No honesty will make public man useful if that man is timid or foolish, if he is a hot-headed zealot or an impracticable visionary. As we strive for reform we find that it is not at all merely the case of a long up-hill pull. On the

56、contrary, there is almost as much of breeching work as of collar work; to depend only on traces means that there will soon be a runaway and an upset. The men of wealth who today are trying to prevent the regulation and control of their business in the interest of the public by the proper government authorities will not succeed, in my judgment, in checking the progress of the movement. But i