奧巴馬卸任演講(中英文全文)

1、以下是奧巴馬的告別演說全文：你好，芝加哥！回家的感覺真好！謝謝，謝謝大家?。ㄊ÷訬 個謝謝）在過去幾個星期里，我和Michelle 收到了各種美好的祝愿，我們非常感動，感謝大家對我的支持。今晚我仍然要向你們表達(dá)我的感謝，是你們，身處各地，各個場所的每一位美國人讓我保持真誠，是你們給了我靈感，并一直激勵著我前進(jìn)。我每天都在向你們學(xué)習(xí)，是你們讓我成為一個更好的總統(tǒng)，成為一個更優(yōu)秀的人。我第一次來到芝加哥還是20 歲出頭的時候，當(dāng)時我還處在找尋自我的階段，還在為自己的生活尋找方向。就在離這不遠(yuǎn)的一個社區(qū)，我開始參與教會團(tuán)體工作。在這些街區(qū)，我看到了信仰的力量，看到了勞動人民面對困境和失意時那種安靜的

2、尊嚴(yán)。就是在這里，我了解到只有普通民眾都參與進(jìn)來，變革才會發(fā)生，只有我們的力量聯(lián)合起來，社會才會進(jìn)步?，F(xiàn)在八年時間過去了，我仍然堅信這一點(diǎn)。我相信，這不只是我自己的一個信念，也是我們整個美國思想的核心所在 對自治進(jìn)行大膽地嘗試。我們的信念一直是，生來平等，造物者賦予我們一些不可剝奪的權(quán)利，其中包括生命、自由以及對幸福的追求。這些權(quán)利，雖然人人都有，但并不能自動實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們， 每一個公民，必須通過民主的工具，來創(chuàng)建一個更加完美的國家。這是造物者賜予我們的禮物，我們擁有用汗水、辛勞和想象力去追逐我們的個人夢想和自由， 同時也承擔(dān)有團(tuán)結(jié)一致，實(shí)現(xiàn)更高目標(biāo)的義務(wù)。我們的國家并不是一開始就是完美的，但是我

3、們已經(jīng)展示出了改變的能力，并為每一位追隨者提供更好的生活。是的， 我們的進(jìn)步并不均衡，民主工作也一直很艱難，同時存在一定的爭議，并且有時是血腥的。每向前邁兩步，給人的感覺往往是還要往后退一步。但是美國在漫長的發(fā)展過程中，我們一直銳意進(jìn)取，不斷拓寬我們的信條，去擁抱所有，而不僅僅是其中一部分。如果八年前，我告訴你們，美國將扭轉(zhuǎn)大衰退，重振汽車行業(yè)，并創(chuàng)造出歷史以來最多的就業(yè)機(jī)會；如果當(dāng)時我告訴你們，我們將與古巴人民開啟一個新的篇章，停止伊朗核武器計劃并揪出9/11 事件的幕后主使；如果當(dāng)時我告訴你們，我們將實(shí)現(xiàn)婚姻平等，為另外 2000萬的同胞贏得健康保險的權(quán)利；如果當(dāng)時我告訴你們這些，你們可能

4、會說我的目標(biāo)定得有點(diǎn)高。但是現(xiàn)在這就是我們所做到的，這就是你們所做到的。是你們促成了這些變化，你們讓希望成真，也正是因?yàn)槟銈儯F(xiàn)在的美國比我上任時變得更好、更強(qiáng)。十天之內(nèi)，世界將會見證我們民主的一個標(biāo)志：通過自由選舉，將總統(tǒng)的權(quán)利和平地移交給下一位總統(tǒng)。我向當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)特朗普承諾，我會為他提供最平穩(wěn)的過渡，就像布什總統(tǒng)之前為我做的一樣。因?yàn)槲覀兯腥硕夹枰_保政府可以幫助我們應(yīng)對目前面臨的諸多挑戰(zhàn)。我們需要去應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)槲覀內(nèi)匀皇堑厍蛏献罡挥?、最?qiáng)大也最受尊重的國家，我們的青年和發(fā)展動力，我們的多樣性和開放程度，我們應(yīng)對風(fēng)險和進(jìn)行革新的能力，都在向我們表明未來應(yīng)該是屬于我們的。但是， 只有我

5、們保持民主這些潛力才會發(fā)揮出來。只有當(dāng)我們的政治反映出人民的正直，只有我們所有人，不論黨派關(guān)系或特殊利益，都有助于推動我們實(shí)現(xiàn)共同目的的渴望時，這些潛力才會發(fā)揮出來。民主不需要同一性，我們的領(lǐng)袖會爭吵，會妥協(xié)， 但他們知道民主需要一種基本的團(tuán)結(jié)意識，雖然我們存在各種差異，但我們?nèi)砸獔F(tuán)結(jié)一致，共同進(jìn)退。歷史上總會有一些時刻會威脅到這種團(tuán)結(jié)，本世紀(jì)便是這樣的時刻：世界不斷變小，不平等持續(xù)擴(kuò)大，人口變化以及恐怖主義蔓延，這些因素不只是對我們國家安全和經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮的考驗(yàn)， 也是對我們民主的考驗(yàn)。我們?nèi)绾蝸響?yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)，將決定我們是否有能力教育好我們的孩子，創(chuàng)造優(yōu)質(zhì)的工作，并保護(hù)我們的家園。換言之，它將決定

6、我們的未來。在過去五十年以來，現(xiàn)在的醫(yī)療保健成本正在以最慢的速度上升。如果任何人能夠制定一個明顯優(yōu)于目前醫(yī)療保健系統(tǒng)的改進(jìn)計劃，并盡可能覆蓋更多的人，那我一定會公開表示支持。我當(dāng)選后，出現(xiàn)了一種說法是美國進(jìn)入后種族時代（種族歧視已經(jīng)不存在），這只是一個愿景，并不是現(xiàn)實(shí)。因?yàn)榉N族問題在我們的社會中仍然是一種強(qiáng)有力的分裂力量。雖然這一問題得到了某種程度的改善，但我們每一個人都需要做出更多的努力。畢竟， 如果每一個經(jīng)濟(jì)問題都被看作是勤勞的白人中產(chǎn)階級和不受歡迎的少數(shù)民族之間的矛盾，那所有種族的工人只能是爭奪蠅頭小利，而富人坐收漁翁之利。這一切都不容易。對于我們中的太多人來說，退回到我們自己的溫床里最

7、安全，無論是我們的社區(qū)或大學(xué)校園或禮拜場所或我們的社交媒體中，和那些與我們相似，有著同樣的政治背景，從不質(zhì)疑我們的假設(shè)的人相處最舒適。赤裸裸的黨派之爭、日益增加的經(jīng)濟(jì)和區(qū)域分層、 媒體的分裂都成為政黨宣傳的工具 所有這一切使得這種區(qū)分似乎變得自然，甚至是不可避免的。我們變得躲在自己的泡沫里，只接受符合我們意見的信息，而不是基于現(xiàn)有證據(jù)形成自己的觀點(diǎn)。這不是總是使政治如此沮喪的那部分嗎？當(dāng)我們建議將財務(wù)經(jīng)費(fèi)投入到孩子們的學(xué)齡前教育時，選舉官員對赤字感到如此憤怒，但是當(dāng)為公司削減稅收時，為什么不感到憤怒？其它黨派做出道德淪喪的事情時，我們緊緊抓住不放，但為什么當(dāng)我們自己的黨派做出相同的事情時，我們

8、卻選擇原諒？這不僅是不誠實(shí)，而是對事實(shí)進(jìn)行選擇；這會自取其咎，因?yàn)槲业膵寢屧?jīng)告訴我，事實(shí)總有一天會暴露在你面前。 在短短 8 年時間里，我們減少了對外國石油的依賴，使我們的可再生能源增加了一倍，并帶領(lǐng)世界達(dá)成了一項(xiàng)拯救地球的協(xié)議。如果不果斷行動，我們的孩子將不會再有時間來辯論氣候變化的存在；因?yàn)?，他們將忙于?yīng)對其影響：環(huán)境災(zāi)難、經(jīng)濟(jì)破壞和尋求庇護(hù)的氣候難民潮。假裝問題不存在不僅背叛了后代，它暴露了這個國家的本質(zhì)精神。由于我們的官員、執(zhí)法人員和外交官的非凡勇氣，無論男性還是女性，在過去八年中，沒有外國恐怖組織成功實(shí)施對我們的家園的襲擊，雖然波士頓和奧蘭多提醒我們激進(jìn)組織的危險性， 單我們的執(zhí)法

9、機(jī)構(gòu)比以往更加具有有效性和警惕性。我們已經(jīng)制服了數(shù)萬名恐怖分子 包括烏薩馬 本 拉登。我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的全球聯(lián)盟已經(jīng)牽制了伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，占領(lǐng)了大約一半的領(lǐng)土。伊黎伊斯蘭國將被摧毀，任何威脅美國的人都將被制服。這就是為什么，在過去八年中，我一直致力于在一個更堅定的法律基礎(chǔ)上努力打擊恐怖主義，這就是為什么我們能夠結(jié)束折磨，關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩灣（以作為美軍的拘留營而著名），并改革我們的監(jiān)管法律，以保護(hù)隱私和公民自由。這就是為什么我反對歧視穆斯林美國人，這就是為什么我們不能退出大規(guī)模的全球斗爭 我們要擴(kuò)大民主、人權(quán)、婦女權(quán)利和LGBT 權(quán)利，無論我們的努力有多么不完美。因?yàn)椋?這是捍衛(wèi)美國的一部分。

10、為了反對極端主義以及宗派主義和沙文主義，這是與反威權(quán)主義和民族主義侵略的斗爭。這也是我想要表達(dá)的最后一點(diǎn)：當(dāng)我們把民主視為理所當(dāng)然時，我們的民主就會受到威脅。我們所有人，不論黨派，都應(yīng)該致力于重建我們的民主體制的任務(wù)。當(dāng)投票率是發(fā)達(dá)民主國家中最低之一時，我們應(yīng)該使投票更容易，而不是更難。當(dāng)我們的組織信任度降低時，我們應(yīng)該減少金錢在政治中的腐蝕性影響，并堅持透明度和道德的公共服務(wù)原則。當(dāng)國會功能失調(diào)時，我們應(yīng)該吸引我們的地區(qū)鼓勵政客迎合大眾需求，而不是僵化的極端。所有這一切都取決于我們的參與；我們每個人都有公民的責(zé)任，無論權(quán)力以何種方式擺動。我們的憲法是一個了不起的，美麗的禮物。但它真的只是一塊

11、羊皮紙。它自己沒有力量。 而是我們，人民，賦予它的權(quán)力 我們的參與，和我們做出的選擇。我們是否支持我們的自由，是否尊重和執(zhí)行法治。美國并不脆弱，但是，我們漫長的自由之旅的成果并不確定。如果你厭倦了在網(wǎng)絡(luò)上與陌生人爭論，嘗試在現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中與他們進(jìn)行談話吧。如果有什么需要改變，那就系好你的鞋帶，組織一些事情。如果你對你當(dāng)選的官員感到失望，可以拿一張剪貼板，拿一些簽名，自己去辦公室，出面，深入追究，堅持不懈。有時你會贏，有時你會輸。假設(shè)別人都具有善良的美德可能是一種風(fēng)險，而且會有一段時間， 這個過程會讓你失望。但是，對于我們這些有幸成為這項(xiàng)工作的一份子的人來說，仔細(xì)想想，我可以告訴你，它可以使每個人得

12、到激勵和啟發(fā)。在這個過程中，你對美國和美國人的信心將得到證實(shí)，而我的信仰已經(jīng)得到證實(shí)。感謝 Michelle ，在過去的25 年中，你不僅是我的妻子和我的孩子的母親，也一直是我最好的朋友。你所要承擔(dān)的這個角色并不是你自己要求的，但你卻用優(yōu)雅、堅韌、獨(dú)特的風(fēng)格和幽默感成功地完成了角色轉(zhuǎn)變。你使白宮成為屬于每個人的地方。而新一代的年輕人視野會更高，因?yàn)樗麄冇心阕鳛榘駱?。感謝瑪麗亞和薩莎，你們成為了兩個了不起的年輕女性，聰明和美麗，但更重要的是，善良和周到，充滿激情。你們在聚光燈下承受了多年的負(fù)擔(dān)。在我一生中所做的所有事情中，我最為自豪的是成為你們的父親。副總統(tǒng)拜登，是我做出的首個提名，也是最棒的提

13、名。不僅僅是因?yàn)槟闶且粋€偉大的副總統(tǒng)， 也是因?yàn)槲沂斋@到了你這樣一個兄弟。你就像我的家人一樣，與你的友誼也是我生活中的一大快樂所在。對于我那些杰出的工作人員，八年的時間，甚至對其中一些人來說，時間還要更久，我被你們的精力所感染，回想你們每一天的表現(xiàn)，你們的性格、心靈和理想。八年的時間，其中有些人由單身，到結(jié)婚生子，開始自己人生路上的新旅程。雖然世事艱難，但你們一直沒有被打倒，你們讓我自豪。對于你們所有的人，每位搬到陌生城市的組織者，每一名敲門宣傳的志愿者，每一名第一次投票的年輕人，每個為這種變化努力的美國人，你們是最棒的支持者和組織者，我將永遠(yuǎn)感激在心，因?yàn)槭悄銈兏淖兞耸澜?，是你們的功勞。這也

14、是為什么，我雖然離開仍保持樂觀的原因所在，因?yàn)槲覀兊墓ぷ鞑粌H僅是幫助到很多人，更是激發(fā)了很多美國人，尤其是年輕人，相信你們可以有一番作為。這一代美國人無私、富有創(chuàng)造性，并飽含愛國精神，你們相信公平、公正和包容，你們知道不斷保持變化是美國的標(biāo)志，所以不要害怕，擁抱這些變化，你們會愿意承擔(dān)這項(xiàng)艱巨的民主工作。你們很快就會超越我們這些人，我相信，未來在你們手中。我的同胞們，為你們服務(wù)是我的榮幸。我不會停止為你們服務(wù)，以后我將作為一個公民，與你們站在一起。最后，就像八年前一樣，我希望你們能夠堅持我們最開始的信念，那些來自奴隸和廢奴主義者爭取平等的信念，那些移民和自耕農(nóng)人群的奮斗不息的精神，以及那些對于

15、民主自由權(quán)利的爭取，這些也是每一位美國人的信念，未來的篇章等待著你們?nèi)プV寫。我希望你們能夠堅持我們最開始的信念，那些來自奴隸和廢奴主義者的想法，那些移民和自耕農(nóng)人群的精神，以及那些正義的追隨者的信仰，這一信念是每個美國人的核心信念，未來的篇章等待著你們?nèi)プV寫。是的，我們能行。(Yes We Can. )是的，我們做到了。(Yes We Did. )是的，我們能行！(Yes We Can. )愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美國！英文原文It s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by a

16、ll the well- wishes we ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it s my turn to saythanks. Whether we ve seen ey-eto-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts are

17、what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was i

18、n neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens wh

19、en ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.After eigh t years as your President, I still believe that. And it s not just my belief. Itthe beating heart of our American idea our bold experiment in self-government.It s the conviction that we are all created equal, end

20、owed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It s the insistence that these rights, while self -evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.This is

21、the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.For 240 years, our nation s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It wsh

22、at led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It s what pulled immigrants andrefugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It s why GIs gave their lives at Om

23、aha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.So that s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make lif

24、e better for those who follow.Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of o

25、ur founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history if I hadtold you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shu

26、t down Iran snucle ar weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11 if Ihad told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurancefor another 20 million of our fellow citizens you might have said our sights were set a little too high.But t

27、hat wsh at we did. That sw hat you did. You were the change. You answered people sh opes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from

28、one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did f or me. Because it s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.We hav

29、e what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.But that potential will be realized only if our democr

30、acy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.That s what I want to focus on tonightthe stat e of our democracy.Understand

31、, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity the idea that for all our outward differences, we are allin this together; that we rise or fall as one.There have bee

32、n moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism these forces haven t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democra

33、cy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.In other words, it will determine our future.Our democracy won t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the econom

34、y is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.

35、Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is de monstrably better than the improvements we ve made to our health care system thatcovers as many people at less cost I will publicly support it.That, after all, is why we serve to make pe

36、ople s lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we ve made, we know it nso t enough. Our economy doesn t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one perce

37、nt has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only se

38、rves the interests of the powerful a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won t come from overseas. It will come from the relentle

39、ss pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.And so we must forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more ref

40、orms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don t avoid theirobligations to the co untry that s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don t crea

41、te opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.There s a second threat to our democracyone as old as our nation itself. After myelection, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was

42、never realistic. For race remains a po tent and often divisive force in our society. I velived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spe

43、ctrum.But we re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into

44、 their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our ownchildren because those brown kids will represe nt a larger share of America s workforce. And our economy doesn t have to be a zero -sum game. Last

45、 year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That s what our Constitution and highest idealsrequire. But laws alone won t be enough. Hearts must

46、change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who saidYou never really understanda person until you consider things from his point of view until you climb into his

47、 skin andwalk around in it. For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem

48、 like he s got all the advantages, but who s seen his world upended byeconomic, cultural, and technological change.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn st uddenly vanish in the ?60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they re not just eng

49、aging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they ren ot demandingspecial treatment, but the equaltreatment our Founders promised.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almos

50、t word for word, about theIrish, Italians, and Poles.America wasn t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation s creed, and it was strengthened.So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves

51、this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.None of this is easy. For too many of us, it s become safer to retreat into our ownbubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college c

52、ampuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for eve

53、ry taste all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that s out there.This trend represents a third t

54、hreat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a

55、fair point, and that science and reason matter, we ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.Isn tht at part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected off icials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when

56、we recutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It s not just dishostn, ethis selectivesorting of the facts; it-d efse asteinlfg. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has away of catching up with you

57、.Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won t have time to debate the existence of climate

58、 change; they ll be busy dealing with itseffects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the ess

59、ential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.It s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhousethe spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.It s

60、that spirit a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on militarypower or national affiliations but