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1、ISSCO V: 5th Conference of the International Society for the Study of Chinese OverseasDate: 10-14 May 2004Venue: The LO-School, Elsinore (Helsingr), Denmark跨越世界的東北風(fēng)-舊金山-灣區(qū)的沈陽人(日本)香川大學(xué) 王維 舊金山灣區(qū)一帶以發(fā)展IT產(chǎn)業(yè)為名,80年代起許多高學(xué)歷的華裔電腦工程師移居此地從事IT等高科產(chǎn)業(yè)。但自90年代中期起,與IT產(chǎn)業(yè)無緣的大批東北人特別是沈陽人潮水班地涌入這一地區(qū)。今年借在伯克大學(xué)逗留之際,對(duì)此地區(qū)的東北人特別是
2、沈陽人做了一個(gè)調(diào)查。目前在美國居住的華人有200萬左右,是一個(gè)即龐大又復(fù)雜的族群。與各個(gè)階段以及同一時(shí)期出自不同地區(qū)的華人相比,東北人在其移居背景和目的,移居途徑和社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò),以及移居生活和職業(yè)狀況等方面均有異同。本文將通過兩個(gè)具體的實(shí)例,探討來自中國東北的新移民的特點(diǎn)。Border Crossing of the Northeast Wave: A Case Study on the new immigrants from Shenyang among San-Francisco-Bay areaDuring my 5 months stay in Berkeley, California f
3、rom October 2003, I carried out research on immigrants from northeast China, specifically those from Shenyang living in Cupertino and Mountain View in Silicon Valley, San Francisco. This area is notable as a Mecca of IT (Information Technology) businesses and enterprises, and the presence of immigra
4、nts from Shenyang has recently become especially prominent. Immigrant Chinese residing in the Unites States number more than 2 million, consisting of diverse ethnic groups. Past studies on Chinese immigrants have customarily been divided according to the period they traveled or took up residence. Th
5、e First generation were Labors worker and their children in the mid 19 century.The Second generation were Students from Taiwan and Hong Kong, engineers, investors and children of the first generation from the 1960s. The Third generation were Students and engineers from China after 1980 We may identi
6、fy the new wave of immigrants after the 1990s as the fourth generation. One of the characteristics of this generation is that some of this group are from Fujian province and have entered the US by illegal means and engage in casual physical labour. Recent immigrants from northeastern China residing
7、in the Bay area can be included amongst the fourth generation immigrants. They are quite distinct in many ways from the group of Fujian immigrants. In this presentation, I will discuss the historical background for immigrating to the area, the purposes and the traveling routes, their daily lives and
8、 professional careers as well as the social networks in the host country. As they have no particular membership in any organizations, I consulted these people by taking private interviews. I will firstly introduce two case studies and then will elaborate on these findings focussing on the unique asp
9、ects among this new wave of immigrants from Northeasten China.Case 1: Mr. A (Male, Age:47 ) I came to the United States in 1998. I had worked for a Chinese national enterprise until then, but decided to leave the country after the enterprises earnings deteriorated and it experienced financial hardsh
10、ip. I traveled with a help of a friend of mine as a member of a trade-business inspection party. I stayed in Los Angeles at the beginning. One of my friends came alone to the States 5 years ahead of me as a business inspection group member. While I was seeking a place to settle down, he introduced m
11、e to an Inn run by a Tianjin native. Typically, an owner will lease or purchase the place in installments, arrange 4 to 6 beds in a single room and provide a room for 7-10 dollars per night to new immigrants. Such Inn can be seen in the Bay Area and usually have some business relation with the Snake
12、 Head Group. One of my acquaintances works for the group. Immigrants from Shenyang were most numerous from the late 1990s, especially through 1999-2002, and this person has offered assistance to several hundred people a year to help them move to the States. They charged 120,000 yuan (check exchange
13、rate) per person for the service. The majority of these newly arrived immigrants from Shenyang took advantage of the Inn. I was employed as a cleaning staff in a motel through an employment centre for Chinese residents near Los Angeles. They paid me 1200 dollars a month with room and board. The Mana
14、ger was originally a Taiwanese from the mainland. Though I requested a pay raise after working for a few months, he did not agree with this idea, and so I decided to quit the job. Some time afterwards, I moved to the east, hearing that many Chinese traveled east to Chicago to obtain a drivers licens
15、e. In those days, it was much easier for immigrants like us to be given a license in Chicago than in California. There, some people run businesses specifically for those who wished to get a drivers license. A Shenyang native acted as my consultant and introduced me to an inn owned by a man from Shen
16、yang, which is also my hometown. A payment of 450 dollars would guarantee one a license. The staff taught us with a minimum knowledge of English how to pass the written exam. One could also succeed in the driving test simply by giving 50 dollars to the examiner. I returned to California and worked f
17、or several employers at care centers for elderly Chinese and finally decided to stay with a cleaning job. My first employer was an overseas Chinese from Malaysia and understood Mandarin a little. At that time, a Chinese chorus group had been formed in the area and was just starting to recruit new me
18、mbers. I made up my mind to join the group with an eye to developing my future business base. Most of the members had well-paid and stable jobs (for example computer engineer) and even owned houses around the area. Those I got to know in the chorus group were kind enough to assist me with organizing
19、 a business firm and developing client relations. I went around establishing business partnerships with clients while doing my cleaning job and finally started a company of my own. Business so far has been good and earnings are indeed rising. Currently, I have contracts with about 40 clients, many o
20、f whom are from Taiwan, Hong Kong, China and also some mixed Chinese and American couples. Although this is my 7th year in the States, I still have difficulty in speaking English. So I ask my friend to assist me to interpreting for business trips or meetings amongst my clients. In fact, I dont find
21、it so inconvenient during the day not being able to converse in English. I watch Chinese TV programs, cook Chinese dishes and have access to facilities where Chinese is the medium of communication. Although I personally do not prefer to stay in the U.S., I remain because of the chances of making a l
22、arge sum of money in a foreign land. One certainly has more opportunity to gain profit here than in China, despite the hardship involved in business. The reason I have not returned to my home town since I arriving here has to do with the renewal of my working visa. Once I head back, I will most prob
23、ably be unable to return here again. I paid 30,000 dollars in order to obtain a temporary green card under the married status. After I receive my American citizenship and have saved 350,000 dollars, I will surely return to my home country. Case 2: Ms. B (Female, Age:44 ) It has been 3 years since my
24、 first arrival in the U.S. Just like many others from Shengyang, I came here by exchanging a deal of money with the Snake Head organization through a friends arrangement, as a member of a trade business inspection party. I graduated from a job skill training academy affiliated to a national enterpri
25、se and worked in an electric equipment factory in Shenyang. During the Reformation movement, I opened a kindergarten. My former husband also quit working in a factory and engaged in business on his own. Yet, after he began seeing another woman through his business relations, we decided to get a divo
26、rce. Our child was only 8 months old. With my friends advice, my sister and I fled to the United States with the money I saved from running the kindergarten. The decision was made in a relatively short time span, which also meant my being separated from my child. I first worked in a cleaning job whi
27、le staying at an inn but since most of the working hours were irregular, I joined in a massage therapy business by sending in my application to a classified advertisement. I now needed to have an official residential permit, and with my Taiwanese friend and owner of a Chinese restaurants assistance,
28、 I married to an American man who is 20 years older than me. Needless to say, some payment had to be made. This was in the early days of my life in the States, and was also one of the hardest times due to my poor command of English. We could not talk to each other during the first 6 months and relie
29、d instead on simple written communication. I grew sad and lonely, thinking about my family I had left in my country and the hardship I had to endure. Nevertheless, my determination to obtain citizenship outweighed such pain and sorrow. Massage therapy is a surprisingly profitable business here. Many
30、 of the women from Shenyang take part in this profession, providing extra services accordingly. Massage clinics run by Chinese around the area are generally divided into two types; one is intended for Chinese customers and the other for Americans. Most of the clinics for Chinese offer extra treatmen
31、t, largely for Chinese customers, specifically recent immigrants. These are the people who left their home country alone for job assignments and neither have any opportunity to converse with Chinese nor American women. These therapists source of income mainly consists of their monthly pay check from
32、 their employer and any extra tips from customers. Employees wages vary depending on their experience and skill in massage therapy as well as the range of service therapists can offer. A person could work as a massage therapist after taking part in a simple session training led by the manager. Never
33、theless, one must be prepared for a certain amount of risk when involved in this type of business, as it is not uncommon for therapists to be arrested after the facility receives notification demanding the business close down.I had been very fortunate to have had hardly any such experiences. My firs
34、t job was at a massage clinic intended for American customers, and this was where I learnt the basic knowledge and skills. The Customer relations I had been cultivating during my employment here became an asset for doing business on my own. I now visit as a professional my clients place and make my
35、own earnings. Service lasts for an hour and I charge a different rate according to the type of service I give. I charge at least 200 dollars per hour, but some customers offer me more than 300. If I serve 5 clients a day, then I can make more than a 1000. Yet, this is not something that everyone is
36、capable of. I am fluent in English, have developed my massage expertise enough and that allows me to earn higher profits than anybody else in the Bay area. My husband makes no complaints about what I do in my business, possibly because of my high income. I have no bad impression against massage busi
37、nesses, considering this a means of living like any occupation. The Female labor population in the area is actually small compared to men, meaning that women are more highly valued than men. It is my strategy to take advantage of this situation. I have kept a reliable relationship with my husband an
38、d he occasionally takes me out for a drive in the car. I feel positive towards America and would prefer to stay for a while to earn some more income. This money will be the fund for my childs education and my life after retirement. Having examined these two cases, I will now concentrate my discussio
39、n on the spatial and temporal aspects, or more precisely, the Chinese immigrants history and society.1) Background and Traveling Routes In the midst of the so-called reformation movement in China, it was the bankruptcy of national enterprises that led the fourth generation from Shenyang to immigrate
40、 overseas. These people sought security for their future savings for their children, and their life after retirement. To this extent, they have much in common with the first generation, who fled their home land to escape foreign invasion, civil revolt, population growth and poverty. Moreover, both g
41、enerations of immigrants included men and women, who left their family behind solely for job assignments and experienced gender inequality in their respective communities. However, a difference becomes apparent when we observe the fourth immigrants travel route: Hardly any of the fourth generation i
42、mmigrants took advantage of the local association or expatriate societies organized through blood or kinship/traditional family ties like the first generation. In contrast, they made use of contemporary organization and networks such as the Snake Head organization, enhanced by the improvement of tra
43、nsportation and information technology, as well as the globalization and the break down of national/ethnic and cultural boundaries.2) Immigrant Society and their Professions As opposed to the traditional immigrant society, there are no specific associations among those from Shenyang working today in
44、 the Bay area despite their large population. The Society for Expatriates from the Northeast was formed during the 1970s around San Francisco, but mainly consisted of Taiwanese members from the northeast who traveled to the U.S in the 1960s and 1970s. Due to the effects of aging over the past few ye
45、ars, new immigrants from Shenyang are now expected to be dominant in this society. Although there are members who participate in the annual New Years (lunar calendar) festival, most of them show little interest in such events. While the people reside close to each other in one area, an organized dis
46、trict or quarter, as in Chinatown has not been formed, and instead, their households are relatively scattered. In contrast to the immigrants from Fujian who have recently moved to the U.S, Shenyang natives do not live under the relation based on family/blood/or land ownership, but among company base
47、d networks that principally draw on profitable business relations. They have no strong communal bonds of the kind found among traditional Chinese society. The Information technology industry gained its foothold in the Bay area from the 1980s onwards. engineers from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan have
48、become engaged in such fields of expertise. Those professionals from China came to the United States in the 1980s as students and continued working there after graduation. Furthermore, commercial services related to the IT industry intended for immigrant Chinese also became popular in the area. Whil
49、e the IT business experienced a setback due to recession in the late 1990s, business in the tertiary sector was secured, in fact, by the arrival of new immigrants. This was because immigrants from Shengyang came to be both the producers and consumers among the service sector. Shengyang immigrants in
50、 the Bay area are mainly from the urban area in contrast to the first generation whose homelands lied in the rural countryside. Their ages range from the late 30s to 50s, many of whom have worked under national enterprises in China. As I mentioned earlier in the case report, many immigrants fled to
51、America through the Snake Head organization under the guise of a business inspection party or in a government-level business representative exchange programs. In short, unlike the Fujian immigrants who tend to be labeled trespassers of national borders, Shengyang immigrants have made legal entry to
52、the country. They residential status are recognized as protectionist, victimized by the Falun Gong (The Wheel of Law) sect, progressive religious group, the Chinese governments one child Policy, followed by those dependent spouse of fake marriages. Their educational level is low compared to the seco
53、nd and third generation, and they have difficulty in English communication. Typically, males work as waiters in restaurants, or as cleaning staff, movers, architects, carpenters, or staff in super markets. Women make their living as restaurant waitresses, massage therapists, and nurses in care cente
54、rs for the elderly or at kindergartens. First generation immigrants were actually involved in such professions, and many of them were considered socially underclass. 3) Travel routes and Globalization The path that immigrants followed has two implications. Historically, the majority of immigrants had been from the three southern provinces, namely those from Fujian, Guandong and Sanjiang, while hardly any large groups traveled from the northeastern provinces. This reflects the three provinces rich natural, as well as cultural, resource, in agriculture, and forestry,
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