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1、四大古典小說(shuō)名著之三國(guó)演義第二節(jié) 三國(guó)演義選段英譯1三國(guó)是我國(guó)的一個(gè)歷史時(shí)代(220-280),三國(guó)演義描寫的歷史事件從自黃巾起義(184)末期開(kāi)始,到西晉統(tǒng)一魏、蜀、吳三國(guó)為止。這一歷史時(shí)期,與春秋戰(zhàn)國(guó)一樣,群雄逐鹿,各顯神通,因而是一個(gè)風(fēng)起云涌、人才輩出的特殊歷史時(shí)期。三國(guó)演義就是以這一時(shí)期的歷史事件和歷史人物為素材寫成的一部歷史題材小說(shuō)。三國(guó)演義的書名是在三國(guó)志通俗演義與三國(guó)志演義的基礎(chǔ)上縮略而成的,是我國(guó)章回小說(shuō)的開(kāi)山之作,是在宋元講史話本的基礎(chǔ)上由羅貫中寫成的。三國(guó)故事最遲在晚唐時(shí)期已開(kāi)始在民間流傳,北宋時(shí)已有“說(shuō)三分”的藝人,宋元時(shí)代三國(guó)故事與三國(guó)戲劇十分流行。但三國(guó)演義成書時(shí)除從
2、宋元講史話本、流傳在民間的三國(guó)故事和三國(guó)戲劇中吸取營(yíng)養(yǎng)之外,還參考了陳壽的三國(guó)志和裴松之的注。2三國(guó)志寫于晉代,作者陳壽是三國(guó)時(shí)期的蜀國(guó)人,因而對(duì)三國(guó)的情況非常熟悉。由于他是個(gè)人編史,無(wú)法依靠國(guó)家藏書機(jī)構(gòu)的史料,許多資料都靠自己搜集,因此三國(guó)志中時(shí)有失實(shí)、訛錯(cuò)和遺漏。裴松之的注補(bǔ)充了許多歷史事實(shí),糾正了失實(shí)與訛錯(cuò),使三國(guó)志成了一部臻于完善的史書。羅貫中寫作三國(guó)志演義時(shí),主要在于演繹三國(guó)志之義,雖然吸收了講史話本、民間流傳的三國(guó)故事和三國(guó)戲劇的內(nèi)容,但剔除了講史話本中及其它材料中的某些荒誕不經(jīng)的情節(jié)。另外,三國(guó)志為紀(jì)傳體,主要以人物為線索記述歷史事件,而三國(guó)志演義如果從我國(guó)史書的編寫體例的角度,
3、可以看成是編年體和記事本末體的揉合,是一種故事性很強(qiáng)的稗官野史??梢?jiàn),三國(guó)演義與紅樓夢(mèng)不同,不是真正現(xiàn)代意義上的小說(shuō),不是作者主要依靠自己的想象力構(gòu)思出來(lái)的小說(shuō)。因此,有人將它稱為歷史題材小說(shuō)。3 本書材料均選自北京燕山出版社出版的毛宗崗批評(píng)三國(guó)演義,是毛綸、毛宗崗父子對(duì)一種接近于羅貫中原著的底本進(jìn)行了增刪后的本子。最早出現(xiàn)的三國(guó)演義多為二百四十節(jié)本,每節(jié)前有一句提綱挈領(lǐng)的回目概述本節(jié)主要內(nèi)容,合成一百二十回本時(shí),將兩節(jié)合并成一回,一句話的回目就變成了兩句話。毛宗崗加工整理時(shí),將每回的兩句話的回目變成了對(duì)偶句,在每回的前面都加上了評(píng)語(yǔ)。4 由于三國(guó)演義是歷史題材小說(shuō),理解時(shí),對(duì)原文要參考三國(guó)志
4、及其它歷史典籍進(jìn)行研讀,許多人名、地名、職官名稱等也都有歷史資料可考。因此,翻譯時(shí)占有有關(guān)史料,隨時(shí)查閱有關(guān)史料是非常必要的。下面從三國(guó)演義中選用15段原文,其中5段用于本書,10段用于練習(xí)。對(duì)本書所選用的5段原文中所涉及的語(yǔ)言文化問(wèn)題,適當(dāng)?shù)赜枰躁U釋,然后為各段提供一種現(xiàn)成譯文,并附上筆者的試筆。54.2.1 話說(shuō)天下大勢(shì),分久必合,合久必分。周末七國(guó)分爭(zhēng)并入于秦,及秦滅后,楚、漢分爭(zhēng),又并入于漢;漢朝自高祖斬白蛇起義,一統(tǒng)天下,后來(lái)光武中興,傳至獻(xiàn)帝,遂分為三國(guó)。6這是三國(guó)演義開(kāi)篇幾句。其中的分久必合,合久必分講的是我國(guó)自有史以來(lái)至三國(guó)這一段歷史時(shí)期內(nèi)的天下大勢(shì)或發(fā)展規(guī)律。我國(guó)自有史以來(lái)到
5、三國(guó)為止,經(jīng)歷了夏、商、周、秦、漢等朝代,其中周朝分為西周與東周兩個(gè)歷史時(shí)期,東周分為春秋和戰(zhàn)國(guó)兩個(gè)歷史階段。春秋時(shí)期,雖然出現(xiàn)了諸侯爭(zhēng)霸的局面,但周天子仍然是中華民族的天子。到了戰(zhàn)國(guó)時(shí)期東周在很大程度上已經(jīng)名存實(shí)亡。到了戰(zhàn)國(guó)后期,就形成了戰(zhàn)國(guó)七雄逐鹿中原的局面。后來(lái)秦滅了東周、滅了其他六國(guó),統(tǒng)一了中國(guó),建立了大一統(tǒng)的秦王朝。但秦始皇剛剛統(tǒng)一中國(guó)就好大喜功,不知生養(yǎng)休息,反而勞民傷財(cái),筑長(zhǎng)城、修運(yùn)河、建阿房宮,加之實(shí)施酷刑、暴政,焚書坑儒,死后不久就爆發(fā)了我國(guó)歷史上著名的陳勝、吳廣起義,劉邦、項(xiàng)羽等也乘勢(shì)而起,于是秦王朝便“二世而終”了。陳勝、吳廣起義失敗后,劉邦(漢王)便與項(xiàng)羽(楚王)逐鹿中
6、原,以劉勝項(xiàng)敗而告終。7漢朝也分西漢與東漢。漢高祖劉邦所建立的漢朝為西漢,光武帝劉秀所建立的漢朝為東漢。西漢末年,王莽攝政,繼而僭位。后來(lái)爆發(fā)了綠林起義,劉秀乘機(jī)建立了東漢政權(quán)。東漢政權(quán)傳至漢獻(xiàn)帝,又出現(xiàn)了群雄逐鹿的局面,經(jīng)過(guò)無(wú)數(shù)次戰(zhàn)斗,大小諸侯先后被夷平,逐步形成魏、蜀、吳三個(gè)獨(dú)立王國(guó)。220年魏王曹丕廢漢獻(xiàn)帝自己稱帝,蜀、吳兩國(guó)也先后仿而效之,是為三國(guó)。所謂東周、西周,東漢、西漢都是根據(jù)首都的相對(duì)地理位置而言的。西周都于鎬京(在今西安市西南),東周都于洛邑(在今洛陽(yáng)市西),鎬京在洛邑之西,洛邑在鎬京之東,故前者稱為西周,后者稱為東周。西漢都于長(zhǎng)安,東漢都于洛陽(yáng),長(zhǎng)安在洛陽(yáng)之西,洛陽(yáng)位于長(zhǎng)安
7、之東,故名之。84.2.2 Here begins our tale. The empire, long divided, must unite; long united, must divide. Thus it has ever been, in the closing years of the Zhou dynasty, seven kingdoms warred among themselves until the kingdom of Qin prevailed and absorbed the other six. But Qin soon fell, and on its rui
8、ns two opposing kingdoms, Chu and Han, fought for mastery until the kingdom of Han prevailed and absorbed its rival, as Qin had done before. The Han courts rise to power began when the Supreme Ancestor slew a white serpent, inspiring an uprising that ended with Hans ruling a unified empire.9Two hund
9、red years later, after Wang Mangs usurpation, Emperor Guang Wu restored the dynasty, and Han emperors ruled for another two hundred years down to the reign of Xian, after whom the realm split into three kingdoms. (Translated by Moss Roberts)10上段原文沒(méi)有敘述西周至三國(guó)間所發(fā)生的所有歷史事件,但熟悉中國(guó)歷史的人,對(duì)這些事件一般都有一個(gè)粗略的了解,因而作者談
10、論這段歷史時(shí),可以從簡(jiǎn)。Roberts翻譯時(shí)補(bǔ)充了一些歷史事件,如王莽篡權(quán),遺漏了另一些歷史事件如陳勝、吳廣起義,綠林起義等。他也沒(méi)有說(shuō)明,為什么有西周東周、西漢東漢。當(dāng)然,他的任務(wù)是翻譯,作者沒(méi)說(shuō)的,他完全可以不提,但如果有意方便英語(yǔ)讀者,他也可以將原文沒(méi)有但影響讀者理解的歷史事件或其他知識(shí)補(bǔ)充出來(lái)。他用The empire, long divided, must unite; long united, must divide翻譯話說(shuō)天下大勢(shì),分久必合,合久必分,節(jié)奏明快,音韻鏗鏘,譯得恰到好處,實(shí)為上乘佳譯。從總體上看,歸化、異化兼而有之。114.2.3 The Chinese histo
11、ry witnessed the empire alternating between unity and division, long and short. At end of the warring state period of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, seven powerful kingdoms were fighting against each other until Qin conquered the other six and unified China. When Qin fell apart, the two powers Chu and Ha
12、n were engaged in civil wars until Han conquered the other and unified the country. The Han Dynasty can be traced back to Gaozu, the first emperor, who staged an uprising by slaying a serpent and established a unified empire. During the Western Han (so called for its capital Changan, located to the
13、west of Luoyang), the throne was passed along the family line until it was usurped by Wang Mang, emperor of Xin, which was overthrown by a peasant uprising. Then Emperor Guangwu took the advantage of the chaos and restored the sovereign. Emperor Guang Wu moved the capital from Changan to Luoyang, he
14、nce the Eastern Han. The dynasty passed its throne again along the family line to Emperor Xian when it fell into three kingdoms: Wei, Shu and Wu. 12拙譯在王莽篡權(quán)之后補(bǔ)敘了農(nóng)民起義,譯出了東漢與西漢及其與都城所在地的關(guān)系,補(bǔ)敘了三國(guó)的國(guó)名:魏、蜀、吳等,但因擔(dān)心譯文篇幅會(huì)較多地超出原文,僅提到東周和戰(zhàn)國(guó),沒(méi)有補(bǔ)充這方面的詳細(xì)信息,也沒(méi)有補(bǔ)充西周、春秋、陳勝吳廣起義等信息??傮w上看,增加譯文的翻譯方式,雖然能減少注釋,但增加了篇幅,局部使用比較可取,
15、如果使用得過(guò)于頻繁就會(huì)大幅度地增加譯文篇幅,讓熟悉漢英兩種語(yǔ)言的讀者感到奇怪。增加必要的信息可以視為是一種歸化譯法,目的是通過(guò)補(bǔ)充必要的信息以方便譯文讀者。4.2.4 且說(shuō)董卓,字仲穎,隴西臨洮人也,官拜河?xùn)|太守,自來(lái)驕傲。當(dāng)日怠慢了玄德,張飛性發(fā),便欲殺之。玄德與關(guān)公急止之。13這是三國(guó)演義第二回的開(kāi)頭一段,前面說(shuō)到,劉備引關(guān)、張去助盧植,不料朝廷已差董卓接替了盧植。他們正要引軍回去,恰遇董卓被黃巾軍殺得大敗。劉備等慌忙投入戰(zhàn)斗,殺敗黃巾軍,救了董卓。談話之間,董卓了解到劉備沒(méi)有官職,因而非常怠慢。劉備等人救了董卓反遭到他的冷遇,使張飛非常氣惱。翻譯這段文字主要涉及三個(gè)方面的古文化:我國(guó)古代
16、的姓名文化、職官文化和地理文化。下面僅就引文所涉及的姓名文化作一點(diǎn)說(shuō)明。文中稱劉備為玄德,稱其字而不直呼其名,是表示尊敬。關(guān)公即關(guān)羽,字云長(zhǎng),關(guān)公是后人對(duì)他尊稱。劉備是皇室之胄,在三國(guó)演義中被作者視為正統(tǒng),因而常用尊稱。關(guān)羽則因其忠義精神受到后人的尊敬,在三國(guó)演義中也常用尊稱指代,張飛卻沒(méi)有享受到類似的待遇。144.2.5 Governor of Hedong, Dong Zhuo (styled Zhongying), a native of Lintao in Longxi in the far northwest, was a man to whom arrogance came nat
17、urally. His rude treatment of Xuande had provoked Zhang Fei to turn back and seek satisfaction, but Xuande and Lord Guan warned their brother. (Translated by Moss Roberts)15Roberts嚴(yán)格按照原文用漢語(yǔ)拼音翻譯人名、地名,連董卓的字都翻譯了;用現(xiàn)代英語(yǔ)的職官名稱翻譯三國(guó)演義中的職官名稱,既保留了原文的信息,又照顧了讀者。用異化、歸化的觀點(diǎn)看,姓名和地名翻譯可視為異化,而職官名稱的翻譯可視為歸化。4.2.6 Born in
18、 Lintao of Longxi, Dong Zhuo, styled Zhongying, was appointed governor of Hedong, an official notorious for his arrogance. On that day, he offended Xuande with arrogant manners. At end of his patience, Zhang Fei nurtured an attempt to kill him. On sensing this, Xuande and Lord Guan stopped Zhang Fei
19、.16我的翻譯在人名、地名和職官名稱的處理上和Roberts完全相同,但在遣詞造句上略有區(qū)別。第一句以分詞短語(yǔ)開(kāi)頭、以同位語(yǔ)結(jié)束,使全句的重心處于句子的中央;最后一句加上on sensing this,增強(qiáng)了譯文的邏輯性,方便了讀者。4.2.7 且說(shuō)曹操當(dāng)日對(duì)何進(jìn)曰:“宦官之禍,古今皆有,但世主不當(dāng)假之權(quán)寵,使至于此。若欲治罪,當(dāng)除元惡,但付一獄吏足矣,何必紛紛召外兵乎?欲盡誅之,事必宣露,吾料其必?cái)∫?。?7這是三國(guó)演義第三回的開(kāi)頭一段,有關(guān)故事情節(jié)是,宦官專權(quán),何進(jìn)欲誅殺他們,何太后不允。國(guó)舅何進(jìn)采用袁紹之策打算召董卓進(jìn)京,董卓尚未進(jìn)京,何進(jìn)就已遇害。何進(jìn)與大家商議召董卓進(jìn)京時(shí),曹操提出了
20、上述不同意見(jiàn)。文中世主是對(duì)何進(jìn)的尊稱,假是古漢語(yǔ)詞,意思是給予,假之權(quán)寵意為給他們以權(quán)寵。據(jù)三國(guó)演義第二回,是何太后及其弟何進(jìn)、何苗等寵信太監(jiān)張讓等,以致釀成禍患。184.2.8 “Eunuchs,” Cao Cao went on, “have been a plague since ancient times. But the founder of the Eastern Han, Emperor Guang Wu, granted them excessive power and favor and sowed the seeds of the crisis that is upon u
21、s today. The remedy is to eliminate the ringleaders. A single bailiff could do it. Why involve regional forces? Any attempt to execute the lot of them is bound to get out and likely to fail for that reason.” (Translated by Moss Roberts)Roberts翻譯得十分地道,但將世主理解為光武帝劉秀似乎欠妥,如前所述,世主實(shí)際上是對(duì)何進(jìn)的尊稱。194.2.9 In the
22、 discussion over the proposal to summon Dong Zhuo into the capital to suppress the eunuches, Cao Cao offered his advise to He Jin, saying: “The eunuchs have been plaguing China ever since their birth. However, Your Lord should not have granted them with such power and favor, giving rise to the plagu
23、e. To punish them, we need only to punish their ringleaders. A single bailiff could do this and it is unnecessary to call in forces stationed in distant localities. Any plan for killing them all will certainly fail, in my opinion. for the difficulty to keep the secret.”我的譯文與Roberts的非常近似,但增加了說(shuō)明有關(guān)語(yǔ)境的文
24、字,更正了他認(rèn)為是劉秀對(duì)宦官假以權(quán)寵的說(shuō)法。本打算將最后一句譯為:any intention to call outside forces in to kill them all will certainly fail, in my opinion, for the difficulty to keep the secret。但考慮到大家由于受到信、達(dá)、雅的影響,可能會(huì)認(rèn)為這樣翻譯過(guò)多地增加原文沒(méi)有的信息而難以接受。204.2.10 且說(shuō)董卓欲殺袁紹,李儒止之曰:“事未可定,不可妄殺?!痹B手提寶刀,辭別百官而出,懸節(jié)東門,奔冀州去了。這是第四回的開(kāi)頭一段,與之相關(guān)的故事情節(jié)是,董卓被何進(jìn)召入
25、京后擅政專權(quán),圖謀不軌,打算廢皇帝為弘農(nóng)王,另立新帝。于是召集大家商議。還沒(méi)有商議之前,董卓的部下看到反對(duì)派丁原的義子呂布十分驍勇,于是勸其作罷。后來(lái)董卓用計(jì)誘使呂布?xì)⒘硕≡?,收呂布為義子。收了驍將呂布,董卓感到再議廢帝立帝之事就沒(méi)有人敢反對(duì)了,于是再次召集大家商議。商議過(guò)程中,遭到袁紹的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì),董卓遂欲殺袁紹,被部下勸住。董卓上演廢帝立帝一幕,和指鹿為馬一樣,是想試探一下,看看自己篡奪帝位的時(shí)機(jī)是否已經(jīng)成熟。214.2.11 Dong Zhuo started for Yuan Shao, but Li Ru checked him: “Things are not yet under c
26、ontrol. You must not kill rashly.” Thus Yuan Shao left, sword still in hand, after bidding the assembled officials farewell. He hung his credentials on the east gate and fled to the province of Ji. (Translated by Moss Roberts)22Roberts的譯文地道可讀,將懸節(jié)東門譯成hung his credentials on the east gate是歸化譯法,方便了讀者。但
27、將董卓欲殺袁紹譯成Dong Zhuo started for Yuan Shao似乎于原文有虧。因?yàn)槎慨?dāng)時(shí)雖然佩劍在身,自己一般并不與人格斗。如果真的欲殺袁紹也會(huì)讓呂布去動(dòng)手,不會(huì)親自動(dòng)手。但就英語(yǔ)規(guī)范而言,此譯無(wú)可厚非。4.2.12 On seeing Dong Zhuo was going to kill Yuan Shao, Li Ru stopped him, saying: “We should not kill wantonly since we have not secured our control over the local forces yet.” A sword in
28、 hand, Yuan Shao bid his farewell to the others and left the hall. Hanging his credentials on the east gate, he went to Jizhou, where his troops stationed.23我的譯文在翻譯董卓欲殺袁紹處有別于Roberts。另外,我用拼音翻譯冀州并增加了說(shuō)明性文字,也有別于Roberts。因?yàn)榧街莨糯鸀榫胖葜?,漢武帝時(shí)為十三刺史部之一,跨河北、山東、山西三省的毗鄰地區(qū)。自漢武帝以降,治所常常變更,轄區(qū)也時(shí)有變化,是一個(gè)行政單位。另外,我的翻譯基本上都是整
29、句,注意了句間和句內(nèi)的銜接。因此,我的譯法總體上看是異化。244.2.13 自此每夜入宮,奸淫宮女,夜宿龍床。嘗引軍出城,行到陽(yáng)城地方,時(shí)當(dāng)二月,村民社賽,男女皆集。卓命軍士圍住,盡皆殺之,掠?jì)D女財(cái)物,裝載車上,懸頭千余顆于車下,連軫還都,揚(yáng)言殺賊大勝而回。25這是第四回中的一段,講的是董卓的事。有關(guān)情節(jié)是,董卓廢了當(dāng)時(shí)的皇帝,立陳留王為帝,從而成功地上展示了自己已經(jīng)擁有了能玩皇帝于股掌之中的權(quán)利。董卓擁有了這樣的至高無(wú)上的權(quán)力之后便變本加厲地胡作非為,本段就是描寫他的某些胡作非為的。文中的陽(yáng)城為古縣名、這里的社賽指在春社時(shí)舉行的祭祀活動(dòng)。我國(guó)有春、秋二社,本段所言之事發(fā)生在早春二月,社賽當(dāng)為
30、春社的節(jié)慶活動(dòng)。另外,三國(guó)演義開(kāi)頭幾回中的賊均指黃巾起義軍。264.2.14 Dong Zhuo now began to indulge himself freely, debauching the imperial concubines and sleeping in the Emperors bed. One day he took some troops to the city of Yang, a place outside Luoyang. It was the second month when the villagers, men and women, were celebra
31、ting the spring thanksgiving festival in honor of their local god. Dong Zhuo ordered his troops to surround the crowd and beheaded all the men. He seized the women and the goods that the people had with them and loaded everything onto his carts, tying to the sides the severed heads more than one tho
32、usand. As the train reentered the capital Dong Zhuo announced that he was returning from a great victory over some bandits. (Translated by Moss Roberts)27Roberts將陽(yáng)城譯成the city of Yang, a place outside Luoyang,用歸化譯法將社賽譯成the spring thanksgiving festival in honor of their local god,將賊譯成bandits,均于原文有虧,雖然就英語(yǔ)規(guī)范而言,都是非常地道的。陽(yáng)城如前所述,乃古
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