數(shù)字歐洲經(jīng)濟(jì)主權(quán)半導(dǎo)體的情況

1、Table of contents HYPERLINK l _bookmark1 Working papers 4 HYPERLINK l _bookmark2 Introduction 5 HYPERLINK l _bookmark3 Digital European Economic Sovereignty? The Case of HYPERLINK l _bookmark3 Semiconductors 7 HYPERLINK l _bookmark34 Strategic Partnerships and EU Security and Defence 13 HYPERLINK l

2、_bookmark41 European Strategic Sovereignty and Multilateralism: HYPERLINK l _bookmark41 Lessons from the Iran Nuclear Deal 18 HYPERLINK l _bookmark59 Workshop proceedings 24 HYPERLINK l _bookmark60 Programme 25 HYPERLINK l _bookmark61 Welcome address: MEP David McAllister, Chair of HYPERLINK l _book

3、mark61 the Committee on Foreign Affairs 26 HYPERLINK l _bookmark62 Keynote speech: Gustav Lindstrom, Director, EU Institute HYPERLINK l _bookmark62 for Security Studies (EUISS) 27 HYPERLINK l _bookmark63 PowerPoint presentation: Semiconductors and Strategic HYPERLINK l _bookmark63 Autonomy 30 HYPERL

4、INK l _bookmark64 PowerPoint presentation: European Strategic Sovereignty HYPERLINK l _bookmark64 and Multilateralism. Lessons from the Iran Nuclear Deal 35 HYPERLINK l _bookmark0 Biographies of speakers 40Working papersIntroductionDaniel Fiott, Security and Defence Editor, EU Institute for Security

5、 StudiesThe notion of European strategic sovereignty, however contentious, is increasingly important to debates about the European Union (EU). Given rapidly shifting global geopolitical and technology trends, and the seeming fragmentation of the multilateral order, the EU is being forced to confront

6、 its own position in international affairs. A number of concepts have been given life because of the deteriorating international scene including “European sovereignty”, “strategic autonomy”, “digital sovereignty”, “technological sovereignty” and “open strategic autonomy”. However defined, these conc

7、epts point to the fact that the EU needs to secure its values and interests in new and more determined ways. If it is accepted that the EU has dependences in areas such as health, critical supplies, digital technologies and security and defence, then there is a need to ensure that the EU can secure

8、its interests in such a way as to strengthen the multilateral order and to play a key role alongside core partners such as the United States.A key challenge for the EU will be maintaining the multilateral order, which is core to its existence, while other actors are either conspiring to damage it or

9、 to alter the order in such a way as to be detrimental to EU values and interests. In this respect, it is possible to understand strategic sovereignty as the EUs ability to decide and act according to its own rules, principles and values. This means that there should be no real contradiction between

10、 the pursuit of European sovereignty and the Unions promotion of multilateralism, respect for rule of law, democracy, human rights and market openness. In fact, one could argue that greater European strategic sovereignty is a precondition for ensuring the continued promotion of these core values and

11、 interests.Accordingly, the EUs ability to ensure its strategic sovereignty - now and in the future - is conditioned by three factors: 1) the EUs ability to comprehensively manage rather than cut existing interdependences in fields such as trade, the single market and critical supplies; 2) the Union

12、s ability to take stock of existing strategic partnerships such as the transatlantic link and to think of new ways to enhance them, especially with regard to ensuring that strategic partnerships actively contribute to the EUs strategic sovereignty and positively impact the multilateral order; and 3)

13、 the EUs approach to sustaining the multilateral order in innovative and inclusive ways and the Unions ability to ensure that the rapidly shifting global power dynamics can be positively conditioned through multilateral solutions. Overall then, it appears as though a key task is to balance the EUs o

14、wn strategic sovereignty while supporting multilateral solutions to global challenges and interdependences.However, it is important not to ignore the scale of the challenges facing the EU when it seeks to manage interdependences and enhance its sovereignty. On the digital front, there are questions

15、about the security risks posed by cutting-edge technological solutions such as artificial intelligence or 5G. There are also concerns about and challenges associated with the underlying technologies required, especially semiconductors. There are also serious questions about the role of global digita

16、l and social media giants and questions related to freedom of expression. Additionally, there are concerns about the development of global norms and standards in the digital realm that may not work in the EUs best interests. In trade and energy, there is continued debate about the balance between ec

17、onomic interests and the protection of fundamental rights and security, especially with regard to China and Russia. In diplomatic terms, the Union has also recently experienced the force of sanctions and extra-territorial measures that seek to shift its policy approach to challenges such as the Iran

18、 nuclear deal. Finally, there remain fundamental questions about the willingness of the Union to tackle serious and deep-rooted security problems in its neighbourhood, as well as the effectiveness of EU foreign policy.Therefore, anyone willing to understand the notion of European strategic sovereign

19、ty must get to grips with the idea of managing interdependences in an increasingly hostile world that is less interested inEuropean values and interests. In particular, the EU must become even more serious with ensuring its strategic sovereignty in three core areas that are fundamental to the Unions

20、 existence in a geopolitical world: economics, partnerships and multilateralism. In this respect, it is necessary to ask three questions:How can the EU deal more strategically with economic interdependences in a less cooperative world?How should the EU adapt existing strategic partnerships while als

21、o seeking to develop new ones?How can EU efforts to strengthen multilateralism both reinforce EU strategic sovereignty and global cooperation?The first contribution focuses on economic interdependences and European strategic sovereignty with a specific focus on the growing importance of semiconducto

22、rs. Focusing specifically on the growing interdependence of digital spaces and high-tech goods, the first chapter primarily considers the development of the EUs relationships with the United States and China in relation to critical technological goods. Given that the digitalisation of the global eco

23、nomy has far-reaching ramifications for economic policy, trade, investment, critical supply, norms, sustainability and more, this first contribution seeks to provide greater clarity for how we should understand European strategic sovereignty today. Such clarity is especially needed given the rapid t

24、echnological developments under way and the need for the EU to economically recover after the Covid-19 pandemic.The second chapter zooms in on the EUs strategic partnerships and the contribution asks how the Union can strengthen its sovereignty without undermining long-standing partnerships with the

25、 United States and the United Kingdom. Looking specifically at the security realm, the contribution probes the extent to which the EU needs to rethink how it classifies and pursues its strategic partnerships. In this respect, the chapter seeks to analyse the balance between ensure EU unity and integ

26、ration in security policy while also having to maintain flexible arrangements for partners. Looking specifically at the transatlantic strategic partnership, the chapter outlines what an acceptable balance between greater EU responsibility in security and greater European sovereignty could look like.

27、 This second contribution also looks at the post-Brexit dimension of security debates in Europe and it asks what room there is for a future strategic partnership that can suit both the EU and UK.The third and final chapter deals with the concept of European Strategic Sovereignty in the context of th

28、e multilateral order. In particular, the chapter argues that multilateralism is essential to the EU and this calls for greater engagement with norms and partners. The contribution shows how the Union has no choice but to manage global interdependencies through multilateralism. A key feature of the E

29、Us ability to manage to its interdependencies in the future will be working with likeminded partners and ensuring that restrictions imposed on the EUs interests and values can be offset in inventive ways. The contribution principally draws upon the experiences of the Iran nuclear deal to uncover way

30、s in which the EU can strengthen its partnerships, offset extra-territorial effects on its diplomatic actions and bolster the multilateral order.Digital European Economic Sovereignty? The Case of SemiconductorsNiclas Poitiers, Pauline Weil and Guntram Wolff, BruegelDue to shifts in the global landsc

31、ape, the EU is adapting its approaches to managing interdependence. Buzzwords such as open strategic autonomy HYPERLINK l _bookmark4 1 and systemic rivals are now regularly used and the European Commission, recognising the challenges, has labelled itself a geopolitical Commission. The concept of str

32、ategic autonomy was first used by the Council in 2013 in reference to the defence industry and security and defence issues HYPERLINK l _bookmark5 2. Since 2016 the term has been increasingly used by officials and its scope widened to include economic policy and new technologies. In economic policy,

33、it generally refers to Europes capacity to set its own rules for economic life, negotiate on equal footing with its partners, tame would-be monopolies and to set economic standards and regulations. HYPERLINK l _bookmark6 3 In short, autonomy is not conceptualised as independence or lack of integrati

34、on, but as the capacity to manage economic interdependence. The term expresses the EUs ambition of safeguarding sovereignty without resorting to protectionism.Global trade and investment policies are increasingly defined by the US-China rivalry, particularly as relations between the two superpowers

35、have become more transactional and confrontational. Economic interdependencies are now more often leveraged for geopolitical interests than used to be the case. Economic interests are blurred with military or security goals especially in strategic sectors such as cyberspace, finance, strategic mater

36、ials and components and control of critical digital infrastructure. This new context poses a major challenge for the EU because its architecture centralises decision-making in the areas of trade policy, the single market and competition policy, while foreign and security policy remains largely at th

37、e national level. HYPERLINK l _bookmark7 4Among the large economic powers, the EU is unique in its institutional characteristics as there is a separation between economic and foreign policy-making that exists neither in the US nor in China. This separation defines EU trade and commercial policy and

38、is a relic of the historical context in which the EU was founded. The rise of China and US-Chinese tensions call for further reflection on the need for the EU to adapt its institutional set up, as well as sharpen its instruments. In practice, European policymakers need to decide what this concept of

39、 sovereignty or autonomy mean for strategic industries and sectors.In the context of the EUs specific institutional set up, this chapter discusses some of the difficulties the EU faces in the context of the US-China rivalry in one of the key strategic industries of the 21st century: semiconductors.

40、By focusing on the case study of semiconductors, this chapter contributes to wider discussions about European strategic sovereignty in the digital sector.1 EU Delegation to the United States, EU Open Strategic Autonomy and the Transatlantic Trade Relationships, September 17, 2020, HYPERLINK https:/e

41、eas.europa.eu/delegations/united-states-america/85321/eu-open-strategic-autonomy-and-transatlantic-trade-relationship_en https:/eeas.europa.eu/delegations/united-states-america/85321/eu-open-strategic-autonomy-and-transatlantic-trade- HYPERLINK https:/eeas.europa.eu/delegations/united-states-america

42、/85321/eu-open-strategic-autonomy-and-transatlantic-trade-relationship_en relationship_en.2 European Council, Conclusions, EUCO 217/13, Brussels, December 20, 2013, HYPERLINK https:/www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/ec/140245.pdf https:/www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data

43、/docs/pressdata/en/ec/140245.pdf. 3 Josep Borrell Fontelles, Why European Strategic Autonomy Matters, December 3, 2020, HYPERLINK https:/eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/89865/why-european-strategic-autonomy-matters_en https:/eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/89865/w

44、hy-european-strategic-autonomy-matters_en. 4 Mark Leonard, Jean Pisani-Ferry, Elina Ribakova, Jeremy Shapiro and Guntram Wolff, Redefining Europes Economic Sovereignty, Bruegel Policy Contribution, no. 9, June 2019, HYPERLINK /wp-content/uploads/2019/06/PC-09_2019_final-1.pdf /wp-content/uploads/201

45、9/06/PC- HYPERLINK /wp-content/uploads/2019/06/PC-09_2019_final-1.pdf 09_2019_final-1.pdf.The Global Semiconductor Industry in a Geopolitical StormThe US-China conflict is often portrayed as a technological cold war HYPERLINK l _bookmark8 5, where leadership in new technologies is key to obtaining o

46、r retaining economic supremacy. The EU, while being at the forefront of digital regulation, all the while harnessing the Brussels effect HYPERLINK l _bookmark9 6, relies on both the US and China for many digital goods and services. This leaves the EU caught in between the US-China rivalry.The highly

47、 specialised and globalised Informatics and Communication Technologies (ICT) industry and its core technology semiconductors is an interesting case study. Semiconductors are one of the most strategically important sectors of the modern economy. They have a wide range of use from memory chips over se

48、nsors to processors and are essential parts of the value chains in many industries. Semiconductors are embedded in all types of modern goods, from manufacturing machinery, computers and smartphones, 5G transmitters, medical equipment, cars to everyday household appliances.ICT goods are the most impo

49、rtant Chinese export good. In 2019, they account for over 27% of Chinese total exports and 96% of high-tech exports from China to the US. HYPERLINK l _bookmark10 7 Telecommunications equipment account for over 30% of EU imports from China. HYPERLINK l _bookmark11 8 However, for the most crucial inpu

50、t to these ICT goods semiconductors China is dependent on foreign inputs. As a result, semiconductors have become Chinas single largest import, surpassing even oil (see Figure 1). Chinas foreign dependency in its biggest industry has made semiconductors a critical target for US trade policy and sanc

51、tions. Semiconductors and related equipment account for a quarter of the US exports subject to the Phase I trade agreement HYPERLINK l _bookmark12 9, and the technology is used for targeted sanctions against Chinese companies HYPERLINK l _bookmark13 10. Unsurprisingly, the development of home-grown

52、semiconductors is an important goal of Chinese industrial policy HYPERLINK l _bookmark14 11.5 Adam Segal, The Coming Tech Cold War with China, Foreign Affairs, September 9, 2020, HYPERLINK /articles/north-america/2020-09-09/coming-tech-cold-war-china /articles/north-america/2020-09-09/coming-tech-co

53、ld-war-china.6 Anu Bradford, The Brussels Effect: How the European Union Rules the World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020). 7 World Bank, ICT goods exports (% of total goods exports) China, 2021, HYPERLINK /indicator/TX.VAL.ICTG.ZS.UN?locations=CN /indicator/TX.VAL.ICTG.ZS.UN?locations=CN.8 Eu

54、ropean Commission, European Union, Trade in Goods with China, May 8, 2020, HYPERLINK https:/webgate.ec.europa.eu/isdb_results/factsheets/country/details_china_en.pdf https:/webgate.ec.europa.eu/isdb_results/factsheets/country/details_china_en.pdf.9 Chad P. Brown, How Trumps export curbs on semicondu

55、ctors and equipment hurt the US technology sector, Peterson Institute for International Economics, September 28, 2020, HYPERLINK /blogs/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/how-trumps-export-curbs-semiconductors-and-equipment-hurt-us /blogs/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/how-trumps- HYPERLINK /blogs

56、/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/how-trumps-export-curbs-semiconductors-and-equipment-hurt-us export-curbs-semiconductors-and-equipment-hurt-us.10 US Department of Commerce, Commerce Adds Chinas SMIC to the Entity List, Restricting Access to Key Enabling U.S. Technology, December 18, 2020, HYPERLI

57、NK /news/press-releases/2020/12/commerce-adds-chinas-smic-entity-list-restricting-access-key-enabling /news/press-releases/2020/12/commerce-adds-chinas-smic- HYPERLINK /news/press-releases/2020/12/commerce-adds-chinas-smic-entity-list-restricting-access-key-enabling entity-list-restricting-access-ke

58、y-enabling.11 Xinhuanet, Economic Watch: Made in China 2025, see Chinas economic upgrade, June 13, 2017, HYPERLINK /english/2017-06/13/c_136362260.htm /english/2017-06/13/c_136362260.htm.11 Jan-Peter Kleinhans and Nurzat Baisakova, The Global Semiconductor Value Chain: A Technology Primer for Policy

59、 Makers, Stiftung Neue Verantwortung, October, 2020, HYPERLINK https:/www.stiftung-nv.de/sites/default/files/the_global_semiconductor_value_chain.pdf https:/www.stiftung- HYPERLINK https:/www.stiftung-nv.de/sites/default/files/the_global_semiconductor_value_chain.pdf nv.de/sites/default/files/the_gl

60、obal_semiconductor_value_chain.pdf.11 Syed Alam, Timothy Chu, Shrikant Lohokare, Shungo Saito and McKinley Baker, Globality and Complexity of the Semiconductor Ecosystem, Accenture, 2020, HYPERLINK /_acnmedia/PDF-119/Accenture-Globality-and-Complexity-Semiconductor-POV.pdf /_acnmedia/PDF-119/Accentu