lsat閱讀真題【含答案】【直接打印】

1、lsat閱讀真題【含答案】目錄lsat第01套 section iii3lsat第02套 section i12lsat第03套 section ii23lsat第04套 section iv34lsat第05套 section iii45lsat第06套 section i57lsat第07套 section iii68lsat第08套 section iii79lsat第09套 section iii90lsat第10套 section i100lsat第11套 section iii111lsat第12套 section iii122lsat第13套 section iii132lsat

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3、279lsat第28套 section iv290lsat 2002年 section iii301lsat第01套 section iiitime 35 minutes 26 questionsdirections: each passage in this section is followed by a group of questions to be answered on the basis of what is stated or implied in the passage. for some of the questions, more than one of the choi

4、ces could conceivably answer the question. however, you are to choose the best answer, that is, the response that most accurately and completely answers the question, and blacken the corresponding space on your answer sheet.immigrants adoption of english as their primary language is one measure of a

5、ssimilation into the larger united states society. generally languages define social groups and provide justification for social structures. hence, a distinctive) language sets a cultural group off from the dominant language group. throughout united states history this pattern has resulted in one co

6、nsistent, unhappy consequence, discrimination against members of the cultural minority. language differences provide both a way to rationalize subordination and a ready means for achieving it.traditionally, english has replaced the native language of immigrant groups by the second or third generatio

7、n. some characteristics of todays spanish-speaking population, however, suggest the possibility of a departure from this historical pattern. many families retain ties in latin america and move back and forth between their present and former communities. this “revolving door (revolving door: n.十字形旋轉(zhuǎn)門

8、)” phenomenon, along with the high probability of additional immigrants from the south, means that large spanish-speaking communities are likely to exist in the united states for the indefinite future.this expectation underlies the call for national support for bilingual education in spanish-speakin

9、g communities public schools. bilingual education can serve different purposes, however. in the 1960s, such programs were established to facilitate the learning of english so as to avoid disadvantaging children in their other subjects because of their limited english. more recently, many advocates h

10、ave viewed bilingual education as a means to maintain childrens native languages and cultures. the issue is important for people with different political agendas (an underlying often ideological plan or program “a political agenda”), from absorption at one pole to separatism at the other.to date, th

11、e evaluations of bilingual educations impact on learning have been inconclusive (leading to no conclusion or definite result). the issue of bilingual education has, nevertheless, served to unite the leadership of the nations hispanic communities. grounded in concerns about status that are directly t

12、raceable to the united states history of discrimination against hispanics, the demand for maintenance of the spanish language in the schools is an assertion (the act of asserting; also: declaration, affirmation) of the worth of a people and their culture. if the united states is truly a multicultura

13、l nationthat is, if it is one culture reflecting the contributions of manythis demand should be seen as a demand not for separation but for inclusion.more direct efforts to force inclusion can be misguided. for example, movements to declare english the official language do not truly advance the cohe

14、sion of a multicultural nation. they alienate the twenty million people who do not speak english as their mother tongue. they are unnecessary since the publics business is already conducted largely in english. further, given the present state of understanding about the effects of bilingual education

15、 on learning, it would be unwise to require the universal use of english. finally, it is for parents and local communities to choose the path they will follow, including how much of their culture they want to maintain for their children.1.it can be inferred from the passage that one of the character

16、istics of immigrant groups to the united states has traditionally been that, after immigration, relatively few members of the group(a) became politically active in their new communities(b) moved back and forth repeatedly between the united states and their former communities(c) used their native lan

17、guages in their new communities(d) suffered discrimination in their new communities at the hands of the cultural majority（b）(e) sought assimilation into the dominant culture of the new communities they were entering2.the passage suggests that one of the effects of the debate over bilingual education

18、 is that it has(a) given the hispanic community a new-found pride in its culture(b) hampered the education of spanish-speaking students(c) demonstrated the negative impact on imposing english as the official united states language(d) provided a common banner under which the spanish-speaking communit

19、ies could rally（d）(e) polarized the opinions of local spanish-speaking community leaders3.in lines 38-39, the phrase “different political agendas” refers specifically to conflicting opinions regarding the(a) means of legislating the assimilation of minorities into united states society(b) methods of

20、 inducing hispanics to adopt english as their primary language(c) means of achieving nondiscriminatory education for hispanics(d) official given responsibility for decisions regarding bilingual education（e）(e) extent to which hispanics should blend into the larger united states society4.in lines 64-

21、65 the author says that “it would be unwise to require the universal use of english.” one reason for this, according to the author, is that(a) it is not clear yet whether requiring the universal use of english would promote or hinder the education of children whose english is limited(b) the nations

22、hispanic leaders have shown that bilingual education is most effective when it includes the maintenance of the spanish language in the schools(c) requiring the universal use of english would reduce the cohesion of the nations hispanic communities and leadership(d) the question of language in the sch

23、ools should be answered by those who evaluate bilingual education, not by people with specific political agendas（a）(e) it has been shown that bilingual education is necessary to avoid disadvantaging in their general learning children whose english is limited5.in the last paragraph, the author of the

24、 passage is primarily concerned with discussing(a) reasons against enacting a measure that would mandate the forced inclusion of immigrant groups within the dominant united culture(b) the virtues and limitations of declaring english the official language of the united states(c) the history of attitu

25、des within the hispanic community toward bilingual education in the united states(d) the importance for immigrant groups of maintaining large segments of their culture to pass on to their children（a）(e) the difference in cultures between hispanics and other immigrant groups in the united statesthe r

26、efusal of some countries to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist act has focused attention on the problems caused by the political offense exception to extradition. extradition is the process by which one country returns an accused or convicted person found within its borders to anoth

27、er country for trial or punishment. under the political offense exception, the requested state may, if it considers the crime to be a “political offense,” deny extradition to the requesting state.protection of political offenses is a recent addition to the ancient practice of extradition. it is the

28、result of two fundamental changes that occurred as european monarchies were replaced by representative governments. first, these governments began to reject what had been a primary intent of extradition, to expedite the return of political offenders, and instead sought to protect dissidents fleeing

29、despotic regimes. second, countries began to contend that they had no legal or moral duty to extradite offenders without specific agreements creating such obligations. as extradition laws subsequently developed through international treaties, the political offense exception gradually became an accep

30、ted principle among western nations.there is no international consensus, however, as to what constitutes a political offense. for analytical purposes illegal political conduct has traditionally been divided into two categories. “pure” political offenses are acts perpetrated directly against the gove

31、rnment, such as treason and espionage. these crimes are generally recognized as nonextraditable, even if not expressly excluded from extradition by the applicable treaty. in contrast, common crimes, such as murder, assault, and robbery, are generally extraditable. however, there are some common crim

32、es that are so inseparable from a political act that the entire offense is regarded as political. these crimes, which are called “relative” political offenses, are generally nonextraditable. despite the widespread acceptance of these analytic constructs, the distinctions are more academic than meani

33、ngful. when it comes to real cases, there is no agreement about what transforms a common crime into a political offense and about whether terrorist acts fall within the protection of the exception. most terrorists claim that their acts do fall under (fall under: v.受到(影響等), 被歸入) this protection.natio

34、ns of the world must now balance the competing needs of political freedom and international public order. it is time to reexamine the political offense exception, as international terrorism eradicates the critical distinctions between political offenses and nonpolitical crimes. the only rational and

35、 attainable objective of the exception is to protect the requested person against unfair treatment by the requesting country. the international community needs to find an alternative to the political offense exception that would protect the rights of requested persons and yet not offer terrorists im

36、munity from criminal liability.6.in the passage, the author primarily seeks to(a) define a set of terms(b) outline a new approach(c) describe a current problem(d) expose an illegal practice（c）(e) present historical information7.according to the passage, when did countries begin to except political o

37、ffenders from extradition?(a) when the principle of extraditing accused or convicted persons originated(b) when some nations began refusing to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist acts(c) when representative governments began to replace european monarchies(d) when countries began to r

38、efuse to extradite persons accused or convicted of common crimes（c）(e) when governments began to use extradition to expedite the return of political offenders8.given the discussion in the passage, which one of the following distinctions does the author consider particularly problematic?(a) between c

39、ommon crimes and “relative” political offense(b) between “pure” political offenses and common crimes(c) between “pure” political offenses and “relative” political offenses(d) between terrorist acts and acts of espionage（a）(e) between the political offense exception and other exceptions to extraditio

40、n9.according to the author, the primary purpose of the political offense exception should be to(a) ensure that terrorists are tried for their acts(b) ensure that individuals accused of political crimes are not treated unfairly(c) distinguish between political and nonpolitical offenses(d) limit extra

41、dition to those accused of “pure” political offenses（b）(e) limit extradition to those accused of “relative” political offenses10.it can be inferred from the passage that the author would agree with which one of the following statements about the political offense exception?(a) the exception is very

42、unpopular.(b) the exception is probably illegal.(c) the exception is used too little.(d) the exception needs rethinking.（d）(e) the exception is too limited.11.when referring to a balance between “the competing needs of political freedom and international public order” (lines 54-55) the author means

43、that nations must strike a balance between(a) allowing persons to protest political injustice and preventing them from committing political offenses(b) protecting the rights of persons requested for extradition and holding terrorists criminally liable(c) maintaining the political offense exception t

44、o extradition and clearing up the confusion over what is a political offense(d) allowing nations to establish their own extradition policies and establishing an agreed-upon international approach to extradition（b）(e) protecting from extradition persons accused of “pure” political offenses and ensuri

45、ng the trial of persons accused of “relative” political offenses12.the author would most likely agree that the political offense exception(a) has, in some cases, been stretched beyond intended use(b) has been used too infrequently to be evaluated(c) has been a modestly useful weapon again terrorism(

46、d) has never met the objective for which it was originally established（a）(e) has been of more academic than practical value to political dissidents13.which one of the following, if true, would give the author most cause to reconsider her recommendation regarding the political offence exception (line

47、s 62-66)?(a) more nations started refusing to extradite persons accused or convicted of terrorist acts.(b) more nations started extraditing persons accused or convicted of treason, espionage, and other similar crimes.(c) the nations of the world sharply decreased their use of the political offense e

48、xception protect persons accused of each of the various types of “pure” political offenses.(d) the nations of the world sharply decreased their use of the political offense exception to protect persons accused of each of the various types of “relative” political offenses.（d）(e) the nations of the wo

49、rld started to disagree over the analytical distinction between “pure” political offenses and “relative” political offenses.as is well known and has often been described, the machine industry of recent times took its rise by a gradual emergence out of handicraft in england in the eighteenth century.

50、 since then the mechanical industry has progressively been getting the upper hand (the upper hand: n.優(yōu)勢(shì)) in all the civilized nations, in much the same degree in which these nations have come to be counted as civilized. this mechanical industry now stands dominant at the apex of the industrial syste

51、m.the state of the industrial arts, as it runs on the lines of the mechanical industry, is a technology of physics and chemistry. that is to say, it is governed by the same logic as the scientific laboratories. the procedure, the principles, habits of thought, preconceptions, units of measurement an

52、d of valuation, are the same in both cases.the technology of physics and chemistry is not derived from established law and custom, and it goes on its way with as nearly complete a disregard of the spiritual truths of law and custom as the circumstances will permit. the realities with which this tech

53、nology is occupied are of another order of actuality, lying altogether within the three dimensions that contain the material universe, and running altogether on the logic of material fact. in effect it is the logic of inanimate facts.the mechanical industry makes use of the same range of facts handl

54、ed in the same impersonal way and directed to the same manner of objective results. in both cases alike it is of the first importance to eliminate the “personal equation (an element affecting a process: factor因素),” to let the work go forward and let the forces at work take effect (take effect: v.見效,

55、 生效) quite objectively, without hindrance or deflection for any personal end, interest, or gain. it is the technicians place in industry, as it is the scientists place in the laboratory, to serve as an intellectual embodiment of the forces at work, isolate the forces engaged from all extraneous dist

56、urbances, and let them take full effect along the lines of designed work. the technician is an active or creative factor in the case only in the sense that he is the keeper of the logic which governs the forces at work.these forces that so are brought to bear (to exert influence or force) in mechani

57、cal industry are of an objective, impersonal, unconventional nature, of course. they are of the nature of opaque fact. pecuniary gain is not one of these impersonal facts. any consideration of pecuniary gain that may be injected into the technicians working plans will come into the case as an intrus

58、ive and alien factor, whose sole effect is to deflect, retard, derange and curtail the work in hand. at the same time considerations of pecuniary gain are the only agency (person or thing through which power is exerted or an end is achieved: instrumentality “communicated through the agency of the ambassador”) brought into the case by the businessmen, and the only ground on which they exercise a control of production.14.the author of the passage is primarily concerned with discussing(a) industrial organization in the eig